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Archived News
25th February 2002
Invitation from the Media Institute of Southern Africa
US to match EU sanctions on Zimbabwe
Swiss to decide on Harare sanctions
EU poll observers quit Zimbabwe
Opponents being tortured, claims human rights forum
US lawsuit takes another step forward
Police bar MDC from holding rally at White City Stadium
Delaying tactics? - a speculation
Zimbabwe observers 'concerned'
Sanctions split Zanu PF
Zimbabweans applaud EU sanctions
Election support network staff attacked
Militants stage new attack on Zimbabwe opposition in Chinhoyi
Hungry villagers accuse Mugabe of not delivering promised food
MDC wins court case to stage Byo rally
Zim diamond deals exposed
Who is Ari Ben-Menashe?
Smart sanctions spare some vets
Voters ready to resist violence
Independent newspapers not allowed into Harare
South African poll observers attacked by Mugabe mob
US imposes travel ban on Mugabe
Tsvangirai video evidence 'doctored'
The following is a transcript of the "As it happens" programme on CBC Radio
'There was nowhere to hide: We were trapped and being pelted from 360 degrees'
S African poll monitors ignore Zanu PF attack
Summary evictions spread
Jonathan Moyo learnt his lesson
Court orders RG to reinstate voter
Volunteers needed
Zimbabwe observers injured in bus attack
Commonwealth slams Zim violence
Zanu PF plans to slash urban votes
Mugabe ready to flee Zimbabwe
Zim keeps South African journalists waiting
Zanu PF entices the hungry to Mugabe’s rallies with food
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From The Guardian, (UK), 20 February
US to match EU sanctions on Zimbabwe
Harare/London/Washington - The United States backed EU sanctions on Zimbabwe yesterday and said it was "moving rapidly" to impose sanctions of its own against Robert Mugabe's government, in protest at its refusal to cooperate with European election monitors. A spokesman for the state department, Richard Boucher, said the US sanctions package would resemble the EU's travel ban and freezing of assets imposed on Monday on 20 senior Zimbabwean officials, including President Mugabe. "Those are decisions that we strongly support," Mr Boucher said. "We've been working through this process to implement targeted travel sanctions that focus on the individuals responsible for or who benefit from politics that under-mine Zimbabwe's democratic institutions." He added: "We're moving rapidly toward the final implementation of that plan but I don't have a formal announcement."
Thirteen of the 26 EU observers due to monitor next month's presidential election left for Johannesburg yesterday afternoon. The rest were due to leave last night. The Zimbabwe information minister, Jonathan Moyo, said of the sanctions: "We are now dealing with organised economic terrorism whose aim is clear and is to unseat a legitimately elected government which has decided to defend its national independence." European central banks yesterday began to circulate the names on the sanctions list. But officials were sceptical that they would be able to identify and freeze any substantial bank accounts. Although some of the named ministers and military personnel are known to have been heavily involved in private business deals, as well as the secretive financial affairs of the ruling Zanu-PF's commercial arm, Zidco, it is unlikely that their personal accounts will still be held in their own names in European capitals.
Many Zimbabweans greeted the sanctions with glee. "Now the cabinet ministers must bring their children back from the schools in Britain and Europe," said one commuter, to grunts of approval around her. "Mugabe and Moyo are always telling us how bad Britain is for its colonialism, so why are all those cabinet ministers sending their children to British schools and universities? Let them come back to Zimbabwe and struggle with the horrible conditions in our schools, like our children do." Eight cabinet ministers have children attending schools and universities in Europe and the United States, according to a recent report in the Zimbabwe Independent.
Shortly before leaving Zimbabwe a French observer, Jean Francois Leloutre, said: "Of course we are upset at having to leave. Our job is to observe, not to leave. It's like a driver who is not entitled to drive." But in Rome, the Nigerian president, Olusegun Obasanjo, played down the impact of the EU withdrawal. "I will not say the fact that there are no European Union observers at an election means that it will not be fair and free," he said. Many Zimbabweans were sorry to see the observers go. "We are unhappy to see the EU observers leave but we understand that the EU could not allow the Mugabe government to dictate to them like that," said John Makumbe, chairman of the Zimbabwe Crisis Committee, who warned that the runup to the election may be marked by violence. Tendai Biti, the opposition Movement for Democratic Change's shadow foreign minister, dismissed the sanctions as "too little, too late".
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From The Times (UK), 20 February
Swiss to decide on Harare sanctions
Switzerland will decide within the next 48 hours whether to impose sanctions on Zimbabwe in line with European Union measures. The country is considering similar kinds of sanctions, aimed at hitting the regime of President Robert Mugabe and its servants rather than the population as a whole. This could mean a freeze on the secretive bank accounts that Cabinet figures in the Mugabe regime, and Mr Mugabe himself, are believed to hold in Switzerland. Daniela Stoffel-Fatzer, a Foreign Ministry spokeswoman, said the decision on whether to block bank accounts, impose trade restrictions and ban travel by Zimbabwean officials would have to be taken by the federal Cabinet. Switzerland is the caretaker of about £55 million belonging to members of the Zimbabwean Government. The Cabinet, which is hoping to make a decision before the weekend, will convey its message to the Zimbabwean Ambassador in Bern. EU sanctions already entail cutting off £85 million of development aid, an EU travel ban for Mr Mugabe and 20 of his Cabinet ministers and freezing their European assets. Jonathan Moyo, Zimbabwe’s Information Minister, said: "There is no price that is going to be high in defending our independence."
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From The Daily Telegraph (UK), 20 February
EU poll observers quit Zimbabwe
Harare - A glum party of European Union presidential election observers left Zimbabwe yesterday following the decision by Brussels to withdraw the mission and impose targeted sanctions on President Mugabe and senior advisers. As the 30 strong group checked out of Harare's Monomatapa Hotel, Stephan Ameer, spokesman for the EU team, accused Harare of "delaying tactics" which he said had stopped deployment of the observers in the week they were in the country. "Each time we were ready to deploy, immigration and other officials would arrive at the hotel with questions and objections." The mission leader Pierre Schori was deported at the weekend after the government accused him of abusing his tourist visa. Mr Ameer said that "given the circumstances it was a necessary decision by Brussels".
Tendai Biti, foreign affairs spokesman for the opposition Movement for Democratic Change, called the sanctions decision "too late, it should have come several months ago". "The EU has been weak and naive in its dealings with Mugabe and it does not realise the depths of deception and ruthlessness that the dictator will stoop to." He said the freezing of assets and travel ban on 20 senior officials, including Mr Mugabe, should be extended to many more people. "Finance minister Simba Makoni is one bad omission along with all permanent secretaries, they are all Zanu PF and they are no different in outlook to those listed." Mr Biti said he did not think Mr Mugabe would retaliate by imposing similar restrictions on EU citizens. "It will be rhetoric, plus more violence against us. He wants to steal the election and then become friends with the EU again as if nothing has happened."
Jonathan Moyo, the information minister, called sanctions "economic terrorism" and told The Herald, the state-owned daily newspaper in Harare, that the EU was trying to disguise the involvement of member countries in a supposed plot to kill Mr Mugabe. The regional powerhouse South Africa said the EU's moves were regrettable and that it would be sending more observers to join African teams already in Zimbabwe for the elections on March 9 and 10. "If there were fears that the election would not be free and fair, then there was the need to send in as many observers as possible," said Aziz Pahad, South Africa's deputy foreign affairs minister.
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From The Independent (UK), 20 February
Opponents being tortured, claims human rights forum
Harare - Militant members of President Mugabe's party have set up at least 22 militia bases across Zimbabwe to launch violent government-backed forays of torture and oppression, human rights groups claimed yesterday. The Human Rights Forum, an alliance of independent groups, said organised political violence has continued without decline throughout the country, leaving at least eight dead in the first few days of this month. The forum said: "In most cases, victims are abducted to bases ... these bases are springboards for the militia operating in the area and also serve as torture centres." Mr Mugabe's spokesman, Jonathan Moyo dismissed the claims, saying: "I really don't think I even want to get into that kind of rubbish." In the past, the government has brushed off allegations of violence. They have called the opposition terrorists and have accused them of being responsible for violence.
According to the HRF, the militia bases are on farms, in townships and at rural trading posts. A statement said: "Victim statements have increasingly indicated the youth militia involved in organised violence have received formal training". At one of the Zanu-PF party bases at the Mahusekwa Growth Point, abducted victims were beaten and, in some cases, tortured sexually, the statement said. The forum said that, of the eight victims killed in the country so far this month, four were supporters of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change, two were from Mugabe's party and two others were not known. In January, the forum reported 16 politically related killings, the highest monthly toll since March 2000, when ruling party militants began occupying white-owned farms. The occupations triggered much of the political violence that surrounded parliamentary elections in June last year and has continued. Human rights groups say 36 people died in political violence in Zimbabwe in 2000 and 89 last year. They say most were black opposition supporters. The forum said there were 159 reported cases of torture in the first 16 days of this month, compared to 142 in the whole of January. Sexual torture, a technique also used in the run-up to the 2000 elections, has resurfaced and includes forced rape by men on fellow captives. "Ramifications such as contracting HIV/Aids can be life-threatening, the forum said. Zimbabwe has one of the world's highest HIV infection rates.
From ZWNEWS: If you would like a copy of the ZHR NGO report on political violence for the first half of February, please let us know. It will be sent as a Word attachment to an email message - total size 175 Kb, or just over three times the size of the average daily ZWNEWS.
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From ZWNEWS, 20 February
US lawsuit takes another step forward
The civil law suit brought against President Mugabe and other senior Zanu PF officials took another step forward this week when Judge Victor Marrero of the New York Southern District Court declined to reconsider his judgement, and rejected arguments that the group enjoyed diplomatic immunity. The civil suit against Mugabe, foreign minister Stan Mudenge, information minister Jonathan Moyo, other officials of Zanu PF and the ruling party itself, was brought by Adella Tachiona, Efridah Pfebve, Elliot Pfebve, Evelyn Masaiti and Maria Stevens on behalf both of themselves and close relatives who had been the victims of Zanu PF sponsored violence in the runup to the 2000 parliamentary elections. The suit was brought under the Alien Tort Claims Act - a 211 year-old US law which permits foreigners to bring claims against other foreigners in the US courts. The Complaint document was served on the defendants while they were attending a Zanu PF fund-raising event in New York. The defendants did not enter a defence to the suit until well into the case when a request was made by the Zimbabwe government to the US State Department to enter a "suggestion of immunity" to the court. "Suggestions of immunity" have in the past been recognised by the US courts as giving definitive diplomatic immunity to heads-of-state sued in the US.
However, in October 2001, Judge Marrero handed down a ground-breaking 130 page judgement in which he found that while Mugabe and the others did enjoy diplomatic immunity as government officials, that immunity did not extend to their positions as members of a political party. He accordingly ruled that they had been properly served with the Complaint when they attended the Zanu PF fund-raising event, because they were on party - rather than government - business, and that they, and Zanu PF itself, were liable under US law for damages. The US State Department then entered a submission to the court asking Judge Marrero to reconsider his judgement. The State Department argument made clear that it in no way condoned the conduct of the defendants, but that Judge Marrero’s judgement was not correct in law, and had profound implications for the conduct of international diplomacy which is governed by the Vienna Convention.
In this latest ruling, Judge Marrero confirmed his original judgement, in which he said "…the boundaries of head-of-state immunity are "uncertain" and "there was no evidence that the international community, such as it is today, would converge around a consensus defining inviolability as effectively extending sovereign immunity to the acts of private parties acting in concert with government officials to commit gross violations of international human rights." Judge Marrero added that he was troubled by one aspect of the U.S. government's position: that the government's own interpretation of international treaties and the weight to be afforded the Executive branch's interpretation of the law by the Judiciary "equates deference to submission and would conflate 'great weight' with surrendered judicial independence." He did, however, recognise that the US government "may have a broader interest . . . in fashioning a rule of law that does not jeopardize international comity or foreign relations with other visiting heads of state," and so granted the State Department leave to appeal.
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From The Daily News, 20 February
Police bar MDC from holding rally at White City Stadium
Bulawayo - The MDC has filed an urgent application at the Bulawayo High Court seeking an interim relief for the use of White City Stadium for a rally to be addressed by the party president, Morgan Tsvangirai. This follows the refusal by the police to allow the party to hold a rally on 2 March. According to a letter written to the MDC by Chief Superintendent C K Sibanda, the party’s application to use the stadium was not approved because President Mugabe was scheduled to address a rally at the same stadium on the same day. But the MDC has authority in writing from the Bulawayo City Council, granting the party permission to use the stadium on 2 March. White City Stadium was, last month, occupied by Zanu PF supporters despite it having been booked by the MDC, leading to violent clashes between the police and the MDC supporters who wanted to get inside. Zanu PF has reportedly booked all rally venues in the city until after the presidential election.
Gibson Sibanda, the MDC vice-president, said the ploy appeared to be designed to ensure his party did not campaign for the election due on 9-10 March. Zanu PF youth brigade members have occupied council community halls, effectively barring the MDC from holding any rallies there. Welshman Ncube, the MDC secretary-general, said the party booked White City Stadium in advance and their application was accepted after it was noted that the stadium would be free on 2 March. "We are aware that Zanu PF went to the city council and tried to force them not to allow us to use the stadium," said Ncube. "We cannot stand this nonsense anymore." Nicholas Mathonsi of Webb, Low and Barry legal practitioners, submitted an affidavit seeking the interim order on behalf of the MDC. Ncube said: "The police are working in cahoots with Zanu PF. The duty of the police, according to the law, is to provide security and not to decide which party must hold rallies or not. It is for this reason that we believe the election will not be free and fair." He said they were compiling a report of Zanu PF’s efforts to undermine a free and fair election which they would hand over to election monitors and observers.
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From ZWNEWS, 20 February
Delaying tactics? - a speculation
As President Robert Mugabe makes increasingly strenuous attempts to hang on to power, from effectively blocking European Union observers to ever more brutal violence, the question of who will "win" the election becomes ever more deceptive. Here is one possible scenario: Mugabe using his mastery of delaying tactics if not to win, at least not to lose and stay in power. In reality there are two different questions about the outcome of Zimbabwe’s presidential election: Who will win the vote? Who will win the count? Or, put another way, who will be declared the winner?
Some cherish hopes that the vote for Movement for Democratic Change leader Morgan Tsvangirai will be so overwhelming as to make rigging impossible; that if great piles of ballots for Tsvangirai are seen by what few observers there are, it will be difficult to juggle with a few thousand spoiled papers here, "find" some here, lose a few more there, declare others invalid, etc. However, it is almost unthinkable that even the observers Mugabe has thought safe enough to admit would ever be allowed to witness such piles of ballots being sorted, ready for counting. It is also improbable that if the March 9-10 election is a close call, Registrar General Tobaiwa Mudede will stand up to announce a conclusive outcome.
A more likely (though by no means certain) scenario is that Mudede will announce that there are "problem" regions for example, votes in this or that constituency have to be "re-verified" or that counting has been suspended in some areas due to previous violence or other alleged irregularities. Urban voters, believed to be overwhelmingly pro-MDC, may have to wait 10 hours to vote, then there’ll be police tear-gassing or baton-charging of "unruly" queues. Judging from the ruling Zanu PF’s past tactical record, there could be an announcement on March 12, 13 or 14 of "interim figures" giving Mugabe a lead. But it would be stressed both for the benefit of observers and voters that Zimbabweans only have to wait another day or two while someone - say, a panel of High Court judges - investigates the problems and comes up with the final figures.
Everyone would be urged to be calm. Mugabe’s officials might promise fresh balloting in "problem" constituencies as soon as the necessary papers can be printed and the proper conditions created, with the Mugabe-acceptable observers returning to ensure absolute fair play. And then: a few days' delay could become a few weeks. The court hearing scheduled for the week after next would - unavoidably, of course - have to be re-scheduled due to some administrative snag. Weeks would become months, all the time with talk of a new count, new constituency ballots, even an entire new election. Just be patient. Christmas could come and go before the international community grasped that the "interim result" declared back in March 2002 was, well, the result. It has happened only too recently. After the 2000 parliamentary elections, the MDC believed their petitions against 30 - 35 disputed Zanu PF constituency victories would be heard and upheld within a few months at the outside, allowing them to whittle away Mugabe's 62-58 majority of the elected seats and even offset the 30 more he was able to nominate. However, the process was dragged out, and cases are still being heard.
But, apart from Mugabe's health, the one factor that could upset all predictions is the growing crisis over food supplies. Mugabe declared on February 9 "no one will starve" and the Grain Marketing Board said that "in one week alone" a train had arrived bringing 1 200 tonnes of maize while trucks were delivering 1 000 tonnes a day to Beitbridge. This totals 35 000 - 40 000 tonnes monthly imports to meet national consumption needs of 150 000 tonnes. A fortnight ago the GMB was saying if all maize allegedly being hoarded by whites was confiscated "we may not need to import at all". Only a few thousand tonnes have been seized, some from church food relief operations. Will rural voters, in particular, react as they did during the 1992-93 drought, by rallying behind Zanu PF for the sake of food supplies? Or will the existence of a credible opposition party make the difference? The MDC predict an explosion of anger that Mugabe's "war veterans" and youth militia will be unable to contain by intimidation. Zanu PF say "loyal, disciplined" people will vote for a party they trust.
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From BBC News, 20 February
Zimbabwe observers 'concerned'
A day after European Union observers pulled out of Zimbabwe, the South African election observer mission has expressed concern over violence in the capital, Harare. The mission is also alarmed by a recent decision to prevent some South African media organisations from covering the upcoming elections. The head of the South African election observer delegation, Sam Motsuenyane, says he plans to raise the press ban with the Zimbabwean Government. "Our experience in South Africa tells us that it is vital for the success of building democracy, to inform the public and the world at large without hindrance," Mr Motsuenyane said. The Zimbabwean Government has refused accreditation to several foreign news organizations whose coverage has been unfavourable, including many from South Africa. The government accuses the banned journalists of fabrication, exaggeration and bias.
"We will be taking up matters with the authorities on an on-going basis," Mr Motsuenyane said. "Critical at this stage is the accreditation of South Africa media in particular. We believe that the media should be given access to the electoral process in a free way. We are optimistic that the problem of accreditation will be resolved amicably and speedily with the Zimbabwean authorities." Mr Motsuenyane described as "a matter of great concern" allegations that police stood idly by while opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) offices came under attack. "We also received reports about the existence of 'No-Go Areas' for some parties and we are also taking up the matter," he said. "We have already deployed our observers to some of these areas." He said the proposed 50-strong team would increase its presence to ensure that the election took place in an environment free of intimidation and violence.
Mr Motsuenyane described the mission in Zimbabwe as a daunting task that requires as many monitors as possible. The withdrawal of EU observers was unfortunate and regrettable, he said but added that his group would not be deterred by the pull-out. "Zimbabwe will need a stable political and economic environment after the elections irrespective of who wins,'' Mr Motsuenyane said. Opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai has said he believes it will be almost impossible to hold credible elections, in light of recent violence. The MDC's Harare offices were attacked by a group of ruling party supporters who had been demonstrating against the British Government. The protesters had accused Britain of meddling in the internal affairs of Zimbabwe and warned British Prime Minister Tony Blair to "stay off".
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From The Financial Gazette, 21 February
Sanctions split Zanu PF
Debate raged this week within the top echelons of Zanu PF on the party’s leaders blacklisted by the European Union (EU) for their alleged promotion of violence, with many questioning why other top party members had apparently escaped the net. Zanu PF insiders said Zimbabwe’s ruling party was also mapping out its response to the EU’s smart sanctions, which ban President Robert Mugabe and 19 top members from any travel to EU states, freeze their overseas assets and will result in the expulsion of their children from schools and colleges in Europe. A list released by the EU after its imposition of the sanctions on Monday blacklisted nearly all of Mugabe’s Cabinet members. But it inexplicably excluded vice presidents Simon Muzenda and Joseph Msika, Finance Minister Simba Makoni, Mines Minister Edward Chindori Chininga, Tourism Minister Francis Nhema, Transport Minister Swithun Mombeshora, Water Resources Minister Joyce Mujuru and Industry Minister Herbert Murerwa. A significant number of members of Zanu PF’s supreme policy-making organ, the Politburo, was also spared. Msika has been conspicuous by his absence on Mugabe’s gruelling campaign rallies ahead of the crunch March 9-10 presidential ballot while Muzenda is reported to be unwell. Notable among those blacklisted is Elliot Manyika, Zanu PF’s political commissar who is spearheading Mugabe’s electoral campaign and is responsible for training the party’s militia, propaganda chief Jonathan Moyo and police boss Augustine Chihuri.
Zanu PF insiders, some of them Politburo members, this week said the way the list had been crafted was a divide-and-rule tactic by the EU. Analysts noted that the EU was apparently doing the same as Mugabe, who himself has sought to drive a wedge among EU member states by inviting others to observe the presidential election while rejecting others. The insiders said some ruling party members, including Mugabe, wanted to take a tougher line against the EU by reviewing Zimbabwe’s ties with Europe in the aftermath of the sanctions. "The list is a divide-and-rule tactic by the EU and it should be seen in that light," one Politburo member told the Financial Gazette. "Some of these machinations should force a review of our relationships with these countries, even at diplomatic levels," the official said, preferring not to be named. The insiders said other ZANU PF leaders were urging caution, preferring to wait for the outcome of the March ballot before any action is taken - that is assuming Mugabe wins, which is far from certain. Foreign Minister Stan Mudenge could not be reached for comment this week on whether the government was contemplating reviewing its diplomatic ties with the EU.
According to the EU, those targeted with the sanctions are judged to be chiefly responsible for political violence sweeping Zimbabwe, violations of human rights and for preventing the holding of a free and fair ballot. The EU slapped Zimbabwe’s leadership with the sanctions after concluding on Monday that Harare was not committed to holding a fair plebiscite next month. Harare had earlier expelled the EU’s head of poll observers, Pierre Schori. EU sources this week said the list of Zimbabwean leaders being targeted by the sanctions could be revised and updated, depending on the unfolding situation. The EU also reserved the right to take additional but still targeted restrictive measures at a later date, if Zimbabwe’s decline into anarchy persisted, they said. The EU has made clear the sanctions have been carefully designed not to harm ordinary Zimbabweans or their neighbouring countries. The embargo should also not prevent dialogue between the 15-nation bloc, the world’s largest, and Zimbabwe to address the latter’ s economic and other ills.
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From BBC News, 20 February
Zimbabweans applaud EU sanctions
EU sanctions may mean sleepless nights for President Robert Mugabe and the ruling elite - but for most residents of Harare the move is long overdue. "By imposing sanctions on this country, they show that some people outside also recognise that we are in a very bad situation and if this is not curbed then we are going to have continual collapse of this country," said Charles Mhlanga, who supports the opposition Movement for Democratic Change. His colleague Shakespeare Sibanda agreed. "In this country there is no rule of law and Mugabe must be sanctioned," he said. But sidewalk vendor Bornwell Mbwewe was more cautious in his response. "My fear is that if the ruling party wins the elections then the sanctions may be extended to cover the whole country," he said. "If that happens, it will affect us the poor people and not the ministers because they have money and can still live well. But president Mugabe cannot blame anyone for the sanctions. His government has brought the sanctions upon themselves by treating people like prisoners with no rights. Mugabe should take the blame."
Across Harare, an opposition stronghold, the reaction to the targeted sanctions was overwhelmingly positive. "I support the sanctions because Mugabe and his close allies are mismanaging our resources while educated Zimbabweans can't get jobs," one middle-aged man said. "I have 'A' levels but I cannot get a job while the ministers families live abroad. They too should be made to suffer. Maybe they will realise that they are not fit to rule this country." Another said he supported the sanctions "simply because they are going to affect individuals and not affect us all. I support them just because it's the only way to fix Mugabe."
But the Zimbabwe government has dismissed the sanctions as predictable and vowed not to be shaken by them. "We will never allow in our country a situation where our sovereignty rights are hijacked under the guise of election observation," Professor Jonathan Moyo, Zimbabwe's information minister, told the state-run daily, The Herald. "We are happy that the world is larger than Europe and that we in Africa would like to be judged by Africans who share the same values with us." The sanctions were also brushed off by Zimbabwe war veterans leader Joseph Chinotimba. "The British know very well that we can survive without their help. We have survived sanctions before and we were already under sanctions anyway so the sanctions don't even worry us," Mr Chinotimba said. "Let it be known throughout the whole world that Zimbabwe and its leader will become another Saddam Hussein who has had country hit by sanctions for a long time, but they have failed to destroy him. We have our African friends and they will help us. The British are liars bent on wanting to re-colonise us. But we are saying as war veterans, we will not be intimidated." He said the sanctions actually strengthened the veterans' determination to take more land. "It's only that we are a democratic people otherwise we would have cancelled the elections because of the sanctions by Britain. But we are unlike them so we will defeat their puppet Morgan Tsvangirai, who is a sell-out," he added.
But Phainos Jasi from the sprawling Mabvuku township felt the sanctions should have been imposed "a long time ago". "I accept that sanctions have a negative impact on a country," he said. "But if we have a negative impact in order to produce positive results, I think it's better than having negative effects uncurtailed. By imposing sanctions we are looking beyond the present into the future. As soon as sanctions are seen to be having results, they should be discontinued." A colleague of his concurred. "I am supporting the sanctions because most of the ministers' children are studying abroad while ours are suffering in the rural areas and our education system has deteriorated," he said. "What we need is a good life and better education, and if sanctions against Mugabe can bring that, we support them."
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From The News Room (Zimb), 21 February
Election support network staff attacked
Two members of the Election Support Network were attacked and severely assaulted by Zanu PF supporters on Tuesday morning. According to a coordinator with the Students' Christian Movement, a member of their association, Percy Chipati and a driver, one Mr Mangwiro were out distributing voter education material, in the Cranborne area when they were approached by a mob. The mob produced Zanu PF membership cards and demanded that the two produce their membership cards as well. They failed to do so and that resulted in their assault by the group. The Students' Christian Movement is a civic body that is affiliated to ZESN. The attack took place near an army base and it was only the intervention of members of the army from the base that the beating stopped. Members of the army took the two to Cranborne Police station where a report was made. No arrests have been made so far. The victims were taken to the Avenues clinic for medical attention and have since been discharged. The driver sustained a broken rib and his companion was bruised all over the body. ZESN is a grouping of several civic organisations that is involved in voter education throughout the country. Their spokesman strongly condemned the attack and has called for tolerance.
A group of ten unidentified youths burnt the house belonging to MDC activist, Didymus Munenzva, in Marondera last night. The youths broke into the house at about 10:30 pm, stole a television, a video recorder, a radio, two video cameras, bicycles and a computer, and then petrol bombed the house. Munenzva, who was away at the time, says his nephew Simbarashe hid under the bed as the assailants were looting. He only managed to escape from the house through one of the windows as he gasped for air. The Fire Brigade, called soon after the incident, were not able to attend because "there was no driver at their offices". This is the third time in as many weeks that Munenzva has had problems. Two weeks ago, his vehicle was shot at and later burnt. Last week another vehicle's windows were smashed with iron bars and he just managed to get away before any further damage was done to both the vehicle and him. It is believed that the attack was politically motivated.
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From AFP, 20 February
Militants stage new attack on Zimbabwe opposition in Chinhoyi
Harare - Pro-government militants attacked a provincial office of Zimbabwe's main opposition party Wednesday as violence continued in the run-up to next month's presidential elections, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) said. "The Chinhoyi provincial office was attacked by members of the ZANU-PF militia, who disrupted a polling agent training programme that was being conducted there at the time," MDC spokesman Learnmore Jongwe said in a statement. "The militia, who came in two busloads, assaulted passersby and stoned the office, damaging windows, furniture and cars in the area," he said. "The magnitude of the damage has yet to be assessed." The militants then took an MDC truck, and police arrested 33 MDC supporters in the area, but they have not been formally charged, Jongwe said. MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai poses the toughest-ever challenge to President Robert Mugabe's 22-year grip on power in the March 9-10 elections.
Police spokesman Wayne Bvudzijena told AFP that fighting had broken out in Chinhoyi between members of the MDC and the ruling Zanu PF who were putting up posters for their own party and tearing down those of rivals. "In the process we have arrested 30 people, and one of them has been charged with robbery," he said. The others were still being screened by police, he added. Bvudzijena said he had no information about the attack on the MDC office. Meanwhile, Jongwe said the farm belonging to MDC lawmaker Roy Bennet was besieged by the army and ZANU-PF youth militias on Wednesday. The army said they were searching the farm for weapons and had arrested the farm manager and two guards, Jongwe said.
The attack on the MDC's office in Chinhoyi came two days after pro-government militants attacked the party's offices in Harare, after a protest degenerated into a violent rampage through the capital. South African observers on Wednesday said they were "disturbed" by reports of political violence around Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe has suffered widespread political violence for two years, but attacks - mainly targetting the opposition -- have escalated in the run-up to the presidential election. At least 19 people have died in politically motivated attacks since December 24, most of them MDC supporters, according to an AFP tally. The MDC says more than 90 of its supporters have been killed during the last two years.
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From The Daily News, 21 February
Hungry villagers accuse Mugabe of not delivering promised food
Masvingo - Villagers in Masvingo province have accused President Mugabe of making empty promises as no food aid has been delivered to them. Mugabe’s nationwide presidential campaign which began a fortnight ago took him to Bikita, Chivi, Gutu and Chiredzi where he assured thousands of hunger-stricken villagers his government would give them food aid to ensure no one died of hunger. But thousands of villagers in the province are surviving on one meal a day while others survive on tree leaves and edible roots. Musavengana Zhou of Gutu said Mugabe did not realise the urgency of the matter when he promised the people food. He said: "We want to see the food right now. It has become evident that the President gave us a false promise because up to now nothing has been done." In Chiredzi, where there have been no harvests for two consecutive seasons, villagers accused Mugabe of "playing with their lives". "If the government cannot give us free food then it should make sure that the commodity is available to those with money," said Michael Njalabani in Chiredzi. In Gutu, villagers said they were running out of patience and castigated the government for stopping non-governmental organisations (NGOs) from giving them food. Martha Mago, 60, of Magombedze Village in Gutu, said it was illogical for a responsible government to ban NGOs from giving aid to the people when it had failed to deliver.
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From The Financial Gazette, 21 February
MDC wins court case to stage Byo rally
Bulawayo - The High Court in Bulawayo yesterday directed the police to allow the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) to hold a rally at White City stadium next Saturday. In an interim ruling, Justice Maphios Cheda instructed Police Commissioner Augustine Chihuri and his officers in Bulawayo to provide security for the peaceful holding of the campaign rally by Zimbabwe’s main opposition party. The police, long accused of siding with the ruling Zanu PF party and of unilaterally cancelling MDC rallies, had refused to sanction the rally, arguing that Mugabe’s party had already secured the venue. But the Bulawayo municipality, which owns the stadium and issues authorisation for its use, said Zanu PF had not even booked the stadium earlier than the MDC.Under the new Public Order and Security Act (POSA), police have sweeping powers to vet the staging of political meetings and gatherings and can either grant or withhold permission for such meetings. The MDC says Chihuri and his officers are using POSA to destabilize the party’s electoral campaign ahead of a tough presidential March 9-10 ballot, which pits President Robert Mugabe against MDC head Morgan Tsvangirai, the front-runner to win the vote.
Cheda’s interim order reads: "Pending the finalisation of this matter, the applicant is granted the following relief: that the first respondent (Superintendent C K Sibanda) and the second respondent (Chihuri) are directed to allow the applicant (MDC) to hold its public gathering at White City Stadium on the 2nd March 2002 and to provide security for the peaceful staging of the said gathering." Sibanda is the police officer commanding Bulawayo west district, where the White City stadium is located. The Bulawayo city council told the court: "For the record, the third respondent (the city council) wishes to advise the court that White City Stadium was booked by the applicant (MDC) for the 2nd March 2002. "No booking was made by Zanu PF and, in fact, the stadium having been already booked by the applicant (MDC) such a booking would not be made and Zanu PF were informed as such."
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From The Zimbabwe Independent, 22 February
Zim diamond deals exposed
Senior Zanu PF politicians and members of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces have with the help of Canadian lobbyists Dickens & Madson turned Zimbabwe into a hub for trade in "blood" diamonds illegally brought into the country from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), it emerged this week. The Zimbabwe Independent has been told how gemstones from the DRC have been laundered to line the pockets of Zanu PF big-wigs. American international diamond buyer, John Marsischky, managing director of gemstones company Flashes of Color, revealed in an interview this week that Dickens & Madson, the company which last week claimed it was hired by the opposition Movement for Democratic Change leader Morgan Tsvangirai to assassinate President Mugabe, has been working as a conduit for the transfer of funds between Zimbabwean officials and buyers. Dickens & Madson, Marsischky said, were employed to do security checks on international diamond buyers.
Marsischky said he met representatives of the lobbyists last year when they did a security check on Flashes of Color before he met businessman Bob Codrington who said he represented ZDF commanders in the diamond trade. Codrington yesterday confirmed meeting Marsischky but denied having any links with the diamond trade. He said Marsischky came to Zimbabwe wanting to buy a parcel of diamonds from Zimbabwean officials. He said because of his business, he frequently visited the DRC to sell plant equipment but he had "never handled a single carat from the DRC". Marsischky said he and his team came to Zimbabwe on January 16 last year at the invitation of a ZDF diamond buying operation, Mineral Business Company (MBC), fronted by Major General Dauramanzi and Brigadier General Moyo who wanted him to buy diamonds which, it transpired, did not have proper documentation. Diamonds coming from war-torn countries like the DRC, Sierra Leone and Angola should have letters of certification from those governments. Diamond traders must also have permits from governments where gemstones originate.
Marsischky said MBC wanted to fly him to the DRC on a military aircraft to view gemstones. "We refused to fly by military transport or helicopter without the required entry visa to DRC," said Marsischky. "It was explained to us that as Zimbabwe was in control of security in Kinshasa and in particular Kinshasa airport, if we were in the company of Brigadier General Moyo then no travel documents would be required," he said. He said he decided to stay after being convinced the diamonds could be brought from the DRC for him to view and that there were other sources of diamonds in Harare. Subsequent meetings with government officials revealed their involvement in the illegal diamond trade with uncut stones being flown to South Africa where they were cut and fake documentation obtained to facilitate export to Europe. "One of these individuals named Major Bright arranged two conversations with (a named senior airforce officer) who told us personally that he had a parcel of more than 2 000 carats of rough diamonds.
"In addition to asking an exorbitant price, he told us that no export documents or certificates of origination for the stones could be made available," said Marsischky. He said contacts identified as Mandy Majoni and Herbert Janje put him in touch with Codrington who claimed to have a diamond-cutting machine, which he used to cut stones belonging to the senior ZDF commanders and a leading politician. "Codrington explained that the financial transaction would take place with the aid of the security consulting firm Dickens & Madson," said Marsischky. "He said they would designate accounts that we would transfer money to and when receipt by electronic transfer or letter of credit was confirmed, the diamonds would be released to us in the designated country such as South Africa. "We again made our point that we must have proper export documents and certificates of origination. Codrington explained that in South Africa, his associates would be able to supply us with the proper South African export documents. We said the certificates of origin had to come from the DRC since these are Congolese diamonds. Codrington said 'No one cares about that'," Marsischky said. Codrington yesterday denied owning a diamond-cutting machine. Marsischky said he returned to the US empty-handed as he refused to buy the illegal diamonds.
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From ZWNEWS, 22 February
Who is Ari Ben-Menashe?
Ari Ben-Menashe, the Iranian-born political lobbyist responsible for allegations that the Zimbabwean opposition leader plotted to assassinate President Robert Mugabe, is a notorious international conman, intelligence sources report. His shady African adventures include maize deals in Zambia and continuing contacts with ex-President Frederick Chiluba. Ben-Menashe’s company, Dickens and Madson, based in Montreal, Canada, has in fact been working for Mugabe’s regime, intelligence reports show. Ben-Menashe was introduced to Mugabe in 2000 by Zimbabwean air force chief, Perence Shiri. For an international fixer-for-big-fees and arranger of kickbacks, Ben-Menashe came with impressive credentials: a phoney claim to have been a former officer in the Israeli secret service, Mossad; a 1990 acquittal in the United States on charges of illegally selling Israeli-owned C-130 Hercules aircraft to Iran; dubbed by Time magazine as a "veteran spinner of stunning-if-true-but yarns"; and attacked in Newsweek and the Wall Street Journal.
And Ben-Menashe produced results: on Feb. 13, just weeks before Zimbabwe’s presidential elections, an Australian TV network SBS broadcast a grainy video purporting to show Ben-Menashe and other company officials meeting opposition Movement for Democratic Change leader Morgan Tsvangirai in Montreal in December and discussing how to remove Mugabe from power. Tsvangirai, Mugabe’s challenger in the March 9-10 poll, issued a detailed rebuttal. He described how Ben-Menashe last year approached the MDC, pressing his company’s services as a lobbyist. Tsvangirai said there were four meetings and at the last one Ben-Menashe ``from nowhere introduced discussion around the issue of elimination and kept asking strange questions.’’ Suspicious, Tsvangirai stormed out of the meeting and subsequent MDC investigations revealed that Ben-Menashe, author of a book on political dirty tricks, had been hired by the Zanu PF government to set up the MDC. All contact was immediately broken off.
Ben-Menashe, 51, was born in Tehran to comfortably off parents of Iraqi origin who emigrated to Israel when he was 15. He did compulsory military service in 1978 was never a member of Mossad - and afterward operated as a minor arms dealer, according to intelligence sources. Records in Israel show he left the country in March 1988 and never returned. His involvement with Chiluba, then Zambian president, began with a US $24 million deal for a Canadian company represented by Ben-Menashe, Carlington Sales, to supply 100,000 tonnes of white maize, intelligence sources report. Chibula was introduced to Ben-Menashe by Rajan Mahtani, a supporter, former business associate and owner of the Finance Bank and Professional Group of companies in Zambia. Carlington also had contacts with Zambian former Finance Minister Edith Nawakwi and Chiluba’s economic adviser, Donald Chanda. Carlington staff include Alexandre Legault, a vice-president who with Ben-Menashe and a Canadian, Charles Tritt, are directors of a London-based company, Assorted Metals and Gems Ltd., whose activities are listed as "mining and quarrying." Legault is also a principal with Ben-Menashe in Dickens and Madson, and is a fugitive from the law. He has been indicted in three US states for fraud committed 18 years ago, involving a US$13 million scam which defrauded over 300 old-age pensioners of their life savings. Most of the victims were over 75 years old.
The first Carlington maize deal in Zambia involved a sizeable commission for Chiluba and Mahtani, intelligence sources report. The government would put down 10% in a trust account supervised by a Canadian lawyer, Marie Larin, and have six months credit for the balance. Relations between the government and Mahtani soured when the government accused him of taking $240,000 from the trust account. He denied this. The deal collapsed after an October 1997 coup attempt, and Carlington tried to withdraw the six-month line of credit. Since the fallout, Mahtani has been subjected to harassment, was temporarily jailed in Zambia and his now suing Ben-Menashe in Montreal for defamation of character. Carlington later signed a new maize deal for which the Zambian government paid $7.8 million. In another deal reported by intelligence sources, Chiluba, learning of Ben-Menashe’s arms trading background, gave him a $1 million contract to use his contacts in the CIA and United Nations to play down Angolan charges that the UNITA rebel movement was involved in gun-running.
According to well-placed sources in Zambia’s business community, Chiluba continues to use Ben-Menashe. Dealings include, according to the sources, a plan to split the proceeds of a lawsuit that Carlington filed against the Zambian government. The suit stemmed from a contract with Carlington to hunt for potential buyers for copper mines. When Anglo-American signed a memorandum of understanding with the government to buy Nkana and Nchanga mines, Carlington asked for its fee. The government refused, saying Carlington had not been involved. Carlington is now suing for $10 million, represented by a London solicitor, Robin Lloyds of the firm Saunders and Co. According to a source close to Ben-Menashe, he expects the case to be settled out of court and to receive the first payments soon. In July 1998, the Zambian government acknowledged that Chiluba had used Ben-Menashe to try to corrupt Human Rights Watch. A statement from a Ministry of Finance official read: "We should learn a lesson from President Chiluba’s experiences with these characters (middle men). The President’s use of Ari Ben-Menashe, a former Israeli Mossad officer, to import maize failed. And his use to try to corrupt Human Rights Watch at the last Consultative Group meeting to do a deal with the Zambian government and stop pressing the donors on good governance issues also failed. He was also used in the sales of mines, but nothing positive came out of it."
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From News24 (SA), 21 February
Smart sanctions spare some vets
Harare - The European Union's personal sanctions against Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe and his inner circle target some of his closest political allies, but also spare several veteran lieutenants. Mugabe apart, the senior figure on the EU list is Emmerson Mnangagwa, the speaker of parliament who is seen by many in Zanu PF as the president's preferred successor. Analysts say Mnangagwa is probably Mugabe's closest political ally, who has been trusted with his security and sensitive programmes, including supervising Zimbabwe's military intervention in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Mnangagwa served as Mugabe's personal assistant in the 1970s when he led a guerrilla war for independence, became security minister at independence in 1980 and later justice minister. Human rights watchdogs accuse both Mugabe and Mnangagwa of allowing a crack army unit to kill thousands of innocent civilians in the 1980s while trying to suppress an opposition rebellion in Zimbabwe's Matabeleland and Midlands provinces. The two leaders deny the accusation.
The 15-nation EU decided on Monday to freeze assets held in their countries by Zimbabwe's ruling elite. The penalty, imposed after the head of the EU election observer mission was expelled from Zimbabwe on Saturday, also impose a ban on travel to EU countries by Mugabe's inner circle. Government officials say Mugabe and Mnangagwa, whom he promoted to the powerful position of administration secretary of the ruling Zanu PF party in December 2000, operate on the same political wavelength. Other sanctions' targets are: home affairs minister John Nkomo, defence minister Sydney Sekeramayi and security minister Nicholas Goche, who preside over government departments that have been accused of allowing a wave of lawlessness in Zimbabwe in the past two years; information minister Jonathan Moyo, who has led Mugabe's propaganda campaign in the last two years and piloted what his critics see as an unrelenting drive against the independent media. Government critics say agriculture minister Joseph Made has implemented Mugabe's controversial land-seizure drive with enthusiasm, while justice minister Patrick Chinamasa has spearheaded the executive's attacks on the judiciary and in forcing out of office a number of judges.
The list also includes cabinet secretary Charles Utete, foreign ministry permanent secretary Willard Chiwewe and information secretary George Charamba, who also doubles as Mugabe's spokesman. Harare-based Western diplomats say the three were probably included on the EU list because they were regarded as the leaders of Mugabe's backroom advisers. Foreign minister Stan Mudenge has carried Mugabe's fierce attacks abroad, defending his policies and attacking his opponents, including the EU, for alleged racism in response to the Zimbabwe crisis. Youth affairs minister Elliot Manyika, who turns out at ruling party rallies in military dress, is responsible for training a national youth brigade, which the opposition says is spearheading a violent campaign against its members. General Vitalis Zvinavashe, who is also on the EU sanctions list with other top army officers, came under the international spotlight last month when he vowed that Zimbabwe's security forces would not allow anyone who did not take part in the liberation struggle to take over power. The statement was seen as a clear warning that the army would not endorse main opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai, who poses the greatest challenge to Mugabe in the March elections.
The EU list of 19 Mugabe associates notably omits his two vice-presidents, Simon Muzenda and Joseph Msika, several long-serving cabinet ministers and some top military officers. Muzenda, 79, has been Mugabe's deputy since he came to power in 1980 when the former white-ruled Rhodesia gained independence from Britain. Many analysts regard Muzenda as one of Mugabe's most loyal deputies, a key adviser and a hardworking political foot soldier whose contribution is often under-estimated. Muzenda has served as Mugabe's senior deputy in the ruling Zanu PF party since the mid-1970s, officially carrying the title Deputy President and Deputy First Secretary. Msika, a veteran politician, was named state vice-president after the death in 1999 of Joshua Nkomo - the grand nationalist of Zimbabwe's black liberation struggle. The 80-year-old Msika is chairman of the government cabinet task force on Mugabe's controversial land reform, and officials say he is as committed to the programme as his political boss.
Political analyst Solomon Nkiwane said the EU had probably omitted Muzenda and Msika from its sanctions list because it believed they were not playing a prominent role in Mugabe's drive against the opposition. "I know that the government line is that their omission is part of a programme by the EU to create suspicions and cause divisions in its ranks," said Nkiwane, a political science professor at the University of Zimbabwe. "But I believe there is a strong opinion among foreign diplomats (in Harare) that both Muzenda and Msika are no longer playing a big role in terms of strategy and so on, and that they are taking a back seat in preparation for possible retirement. They are no longer seen as key players anymore," he added.
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From IRIN (UN), 21 February
Voters ready to resist violence
Zimbabweans are not likely to be cowed into changing their vote on polling day, despite reports of widespread politically motivated violence and intimidation, a regional analyst told IRIN. Richard Cornwell, a senior researcher at the South African-based Institute for Security Studies (ISS), believes that the violence will not change the way people vote in Zimbabwe's presidential election on 9 and 10 March. "Although the situation is extremely violent and people are frightened there is a growing suspicion that whatever [happens] ... the poll will be fairly open," he said. President Robert Mugabe faces the toughest challenge to his two decade rule in Morgan Tsvangirai, the leader of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). Cornwell also rejected an alarming report by a US-based organisation, Genocide Watch. The rights group said the situation in Zimbabwe had reached a point where genocide was a possibility, contending that Mugabe's regime was pitting the majority Shona ethnic group (representing 80 percent of the population), against the Ndebele, who are perceived as backing the MDC. Genocide Watch said the current situation raised the spectre of mass killings on the scale of the Matabeleland massacres in 1982-1983, when government troops brutally suppressed a dissident campaign in the south of the country, the Ndbele heartland.
But Cornwell rejected the assertion. "We know there's political killing going on [but] I don't agree [with Genocide Watch] ... quite frankly it's a far different situation to what we've seen in Rwanda, Burundi and even West Africa, [where] there was the targeting of ethnic groups," he said. "In Zimbabwe Ndebele tend to be targeted because they are known to be opposed to Mugabe's rule but a large number of Shona are also known to be targeted [by Zanu PF], this [Genocide Watch] sort of analysis does nobody any favours." "The greatest threat to human life is not the political situation. It is the outgrowth of the political situation, in the form of economic collapse and the dearth of staple foodstuffs and/or the means to acquire them," he added.
Cornwell forecasted that a Mugabe win in the presidential elections was far from certain. "There's a groundswell, although this is anecdotal and impressionistic, there [in Zimbabwe]. There are certain signs that Mugabe could be in a lot more trouble than he imagines, whether this will dawn on him and prompt him to take more drastic measures, such as the banning of Tsvangirai's candidacy, remains to be seen," he said. Like many analysts Cornwell believes that the withdrawal of European Union election observers this week "certainly makes it easier to commit [human rights] abuses" for the purpose of political intimidation. Cornwell's view on the poll outcome has some support, judging from a recent report in Zimbabwe's only independent daily newspaper. The Daily News published the results of a poll in which nearly 20 percent of the 1,693 people surveyed in rural and urban areas said they would vote for Tsvangirai. This was against 11 percent who said they would vote for Mugabe. Tellingly, or not, in a climate in which it's dangerous to openly declare support for Tsvangirai, nearly 60 percent refused to say how they would vote. The poll was conducted by a university-based organisation called the Mass Public Opinion Institute.
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From SAPA, 21 February
Independent newspapers not allowed into Harare
Johannesburg - Zimbabwe would not allow journalists working for the Independent Newspapers group to cover the presidential election in that country, a Zimbabwean government official said on Thursday. "We would not include such a paper," said Eddie Mamutse, an official in the Information Ministry where applications for accreditation to cover the polls are processed. He said the reason was that Independent employed prominent Zimbabwean-born journalist Basildon Peta. Peta, 30, is a Zimbabwe correspondent for the British Independent daily newspaper and the Independent Newspapers group in South Africa. The award-winning journalist previously worked for the independent Financial Gazette in Zimbabwe. Mamutse was quoted on Tuesday, saying a very large newspaper or organisation "whose reporting on us may not have been favourable" would likely be rejected.
His comment followed an announcement by the Zimbabwean government that it had lifted a ban it imposed on SA journalists covering the elections. On Monday, Harare told the Sunday Times, the Independent Newspapers group and Beeld that their applications to cover the presidential polls were turned down. However, Mamutse said on Thursday applications for Rapport, Beeld, the SABC and e.tv were now approved. He said the Sunday Times and many others who have applied would have to wait to learn their fate. "We can only act from a letter indicating that (those organisations) are interested to cover the elections," Mamutse said. "We have a difficulty with the former Zimbabwean journalist. This is to say his employers would not be able to cover the elections." When asked for more details, Mamutse said he was speaking off the record and therefore could not be quoted. He had already been told he was speaking to a Sapa journalist.
Alan Dunn, an editor at the Independent News Network (INN), said he did not know whether his organisation would be allowed to cover the election on March 9 and 10. "We don't know yet. We were told that we would receive a letter from Harare in the next few days. We don't know what is in that letter," he said on Thursday. He said that Mamutse might have referred to the Independent Newspaper in London. However, he added that they were related. The Independent Newspapers group owns 14 titles in South Africa, including The Star and The Argus, the Independent in London, and has newspapers in New Zealand too -- for which Peta wrote articles. Deon Lamprecht, who spoke on behalf of Beeld and Rapport, said he was delighted that their application had succeeded and hoped other journalists would be able to go as well. "We are obviously relieved, we expected the difficulties but we are grateful to Sanef (SA National Editors Forum) and the (South African) government," he said. The Sunday Times could not be reached for comment.
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From The Daily Telegraph (UK), 23 February
South African poll observers attacked by Mugabe mob
Harare/London - A 200-strong mob loyal to President Mugabe assaulted South African election observers yesterday as Zimbabwe faced mounting criticism over the increase in state-sponsored attacks on his opponents. The latest incident cast doubt on repeated statements by Mr Mugabe that African election monitors are welcome. Observers from the rest of the world have been banned from the country. Hours before the two official observers were attacked police fired on a convoy carrying Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change. No one was injured, but Mr Tsvangirai, who is challenging Mr Mugabe for the presidency in elections due in a fortnight, was forced to abandon his rally. African observers expressed concern over incessant violence of the election campaign, which has seen 24 murders this month. The Foreign Office issued a travel warning and urged Britons to stay away from Zimbabwe "unless on essential business". For the first time in its post-independence history, the country is now classified with Sierra Leone, Angola and the Democratic Republic of Congo as a dangerous destination. The Foreign Office gave warning of "growing political tension" and said: "The ruling party regularly singles out Britain for fierce criticism. British travellers may therefore be exposed to particular risk."
Armed with clubs and iron bars, 200 supporters of Mr Mugabe's Zanu PF party massed outside the MDC office in Kwe Kwe, 130 miles south west of Harare. Eleazer Maahle and Bethuel Sethai, members of South Africa's observer team, were meeting MDC officials in the building. The mob stormed the office and attacked 30 people inside. The observers were not seriously injured, but four MDC members were taken to hospital. A vehicle used by the monitors was wrecked. It was the first time that South African observers had been assaulted while covering an election anywhere in the world. Sam Motsuenyane, the leader of the team, condemned the incident as "reprehensible" and said: "All observers need a peaceful environment to do their noble duty." Further south, Mr Tsvangirai had gone to a remote area of Masvingo province to address a rally. A police Land Rover arrived and 10 officers shouted that the gathering was illegal before firing tear-gas to disperse the crowd. Learnmore Jongwe, the MDC spokesman, said Mr Tsvangirai's convoy sped away but was pursued for about 30 miles. "The police caught up with them and shot at Tsvangirai's convoy. No one was injured," he said. The incidents followed a pattern of daily violence for which Zanu PF supporters are largely responsible.
For the first time African election observers are openly voicing their worries. Before his observers were attacked Mr Motsuenyane said he was "very disturbed about the reported clashes and violence". The Southern African Development Community, a regional body usually supportive of Mr Mugabe, said a free and fair election was in jeopardy. Duke Lefoko, leader of an advance party of SADC observers, said: "It is vital that the political situation changes to remove fear and allow people to freely exercise their political rights." The European Union has imposed sanctions on the president and his allies after the expulsion of Pierre Schori, who was to lead its observers. Despite the violence, President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa argued that a free and fair election was possible. During a visit to Sweden yesterday, he said 1,000 people died before the South African election in 1994. "There was a great deal of violence, a great deal of instability," he added. "But the elections took place and everybody said they reflected the will of the people of South Africa and were free and fair." South African diplomats are privately critical of their government's failure to take reports of violence seriously. One said: "We've been telling them for ages about this, but they wouldn't listen."
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From Reuters, 22 February
US imposes travel ban on Mugabe
Washington - The United States has imposed a ban on U.S. travel by Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe and his inner circle to protest an election campaign it calls "marred by political violence and intimidation." Tension is rising in Zimbabwe ahead of March 9-10 elections with Mugabe, 78, facing the biggest challenge to his 22-year rule from opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai. Zimbabwe police fired on Tsvangirai's convoy on Friday, the opposition party said. President George W. Bush suspended entry into the United States of Mugabe and senior members of his government and their families, and people who through their business dealings benefit from the policies of the current Zimbabwe government. "In light of the current situation, the United States is imposing targeted sanctions on senior Zimbabwean officials because conditions for a transparent election process in Zimbabwe have eroded," said White House spokesman Ari Fleischer.
Washington followed the lead of the European Union, which on Monday imposed a visa ban on Mugabe and 19 of his top officials because of the way Zimbabwe treated observers sent to monitor the upcoming presidential elections. The Europeans also froze the overseas assets of the 20 Zimbabwean leaders and withdrew the observer mission. The United States, like the European Union, has been strongly critical of Mugabe's restrictions on the media and of intimidation of the opposition by his supporters. Fleischer said the expulsion of Pierre Schori, head of the EU election observer mission, was another indication that "conditions for a free and fair election are being undermined by the Zimbabwe government." Southern African election observers have said a wave of political violence in Zimbabwe threatened chances for a free and fair election. "President Bush is concerned about the credibility of the upcoming election in Zimbabwe and believes that the campaign is being marred by political violence and intimidation and is taking place under restrictive election and media laws," Fleischer said.
The opposition Movement for Democratic Change says more than 100 of its supporters have been killed in political violence since February, 2000, when militants loyal to Mugabe began invading white-owned farms. The State Department has warned that the conduct of the elections would have a major impact on whether Washington adds financial sanctions. "There is still time for the Zimbabwe government to reverse this process before March 9 to allow for a legitimate vote," Fleischer said. Fleischer stopped short of calling on Zimbabweans to vote against Mugabe. "The United States extends our friendship and support to the people of Zimbabwe. President Bush hopes that soon the people of Zimbabwe again will enjoy political and economic freedoms," he said.
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From The Zimbabwe Independent, 22 February
Tsvangirai video evidence 'doctored'
The surveillance video footage which purportedly shows Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) leader Morgan Tsvangirai plotting to assassinate President Robert Mugabe has been extensively "doctored", evidence made available to the Zimbabwe Independent this week shows. Media Monitoring Project of Zimbabwe (MMPZ) director Andrew Moyse said the video footage shown last week by Australia's Special Services Broadcasting (SBS) station was tampered with. Moyse said a common cut-and-paste editing method was used. "Notably, what Tsvangirai was heard to say did not match the titles on the screen," he said. "The timer on the surveillance video shown on ZTV (February 17) changed repeatedly from 9:45am to 9:25am; from 9:25am to 9:43am and then back to 9:27am; and from 9:52am to 9:44am, revealing the video had been cut and re-arranged in a manner that appeared to suit the assassination conspiracy theory."
In a follow-up programme on Wednesday, Mark Davis, the producer of the documentary, said the Montreal meeting started at 8:53am. "The surveillance equipment used to record the meeting was owned and temporarily installed by an independent security company," Davis said. "They installed the cameras and recorder at least one day before the meeting. They set the time and date stamp and left." Moyse explained the switch. "A comparative analysis of the Australian documentary's 'unedited' transcript as published in the government-controlled Sunday Mail and Sunday News, and ZTV's video clips, shows that the transcript had also been manipulated, apparently to create the impression that there was a conspiracy between the MDC and the army to oust Mugabe."
Davis said Dickens & Madson's chief executive Ari Ben-Menashe, a former Israeli intelligence operative who has been involved in a series of questionable dealings, opened the meeting. "Tsvangirai asserts that others, not he, began talking about eliminations," Davis said. "This is correct. Ari Ben-Menashe gives a precis of what he claims Tsvangirai and the MDC had agreed to date. The first 18 minutes of this meeting broadly accords with Tsvangirai's statement. References are made about eliminating Mugabe but not by him. He talks about the elections, the constitution."
Moyse insists the footage has been fudged. He noted omissions and inconsistencies between the documentary transcript and the footage. Some remarks with a time space of 15 minutes between them are banded together in the documentary to consolidate the plot while Tsvangirai is made to answer questions missing from both the footage and transcript. "On the evidence of the ZTV footage, the Montreal meeting was clearly an attempt by the consultancy company to 'stitch up' Tsvangirai and lure him into making apparently incriminating comments in response to speculative questions about the possibility of Mugabe's assassination," Moyse said.
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From CBC (Canada), 14 February
The following is a transcript of the "As it happens" programme on CBC Radio
Ari Ben-Menashe on Zimbabwean assassination plot
BILL CAMERON: Hello. I'm Bill Cameron.
BARBARA BUDD: And I'm Barbara Budd. Welcome back to As It Happens, part two. It's a story of international intrigue, presidential assassination plots, and apparently all captured on videotape. As Zimbabwe's presidential election campaign winds down, an incredible allegation against the man many think has the best chance to unseat Robert Mugabe. The head of a Montreal-based consulting firm says he was asked by Morgan Tsvangirai to assassinate Mugabe. Ari Ben-Menashe also says he has the tape to prove it. Ari Ben-Menashe is in Montreal.
CAMERON: Mr. Ben-Menashe, tell me about this meeting in London. How did it come about?
ARI BEN-MENASHE: We were contacted by the MDC, and the meeting was arranged... arranged in London.
CAMERON: For what purpose?
BEN-MENASHE: When we got to the meeting Mr. Tsvangirai told us the purpose of the meeting. He wanted us to... to help arrange the assassination of the president and do a coup d'état for him.
CAMERON: He's the leader of the main opposition party and he was commissioning you to assassinate...
BEN-MENASHE: He was trying to commission us to do that, yes.
CAMERON: And you recorded this?
BEN-MENASHE: Well, the first meeting was not recorded. We don't generally record our meetings. But once that issue was brought up, all kinds of alarm bells and question marks went up in my head. We asked for a second meeting. It took place in London. It was audiotaped. And the third meeting, which was for the explicit purpose of collecting the evidence, was video- and audiotaped. It took place in Montreal.
CAMERON: At each of these meetings Mr. Tsvangirai asked you to assassinate Mr. Mugabe?
BEN-MENASHE: That's right.
CAMERON: How was this to be done?
BEN-MENASHE: I don't want to get into details. There's a tape that talks about this. It's all... it's available to the public.
CAMERON: But generally, how...
BEN-MENASHE: I don't want to get into it, please. It's a long... long thing. And we were supposed to be... carry out a plot to assassinate the president and carry out the coup d'état with the help of the army.
CAMERON: It's been suggested that perhaps someone was saying theoretically Mr. Tsvangirai, if Mr. Mugabe was assassinated by parties unknown, what would you do, how would you handle situation.
BEN-MENASHE: That's right. That's right. That's correct. But he was asked the question.
CAMERON: That's... that's different, isn't it, than Mr. Tsvangirai saying I want him dead.
BEN-MENASHE: No, no. What has been said was OK... OK, the president is eliminated, there's a coup d'état. Then... then what would you do? How would you handle the situation? That was said. After he asked for the coup d'état, and after he asked for the assassination, the question then arose what... how would you handle the situation.
CAMERON: I've been looking through the transcript of the Australian broadcast, and I can't find a record of Mr. Tsvangirai asking you to kill Mr. Mugabe.
BEN-MENASHE: Well, I believe... I believe there... words used, elimination and things. I have not seen the Australian SBS program, but I have seen the tape that was made. It's five or six hours long. They have it. It's clear. It's available to whomever wants to see it and hear it. It's clear that that's what he's asking for.
CAMERON: You've been acquainted with Mr. Mugabe for quite a few years.
BEN-MENASHE: That's correct.
CAMERON: He's a friend of yours?
BEN-MENASHE: I hope he calls himself a friend.
CAMERON: You've worked for him.
BEN-MENASHE: From time to time, yes.
CAMERON: What kinds of things have you done for Mr. Mugabe?
BEN-MENASHE: Political consultancy. Political advice, foreign affairs advice, lobbying in various places in the world.
CAMERON: What kind of lobbying?
BEN-MENASHE: Financial institutions, that type of stuff. Foreign affairs, different countries and so on.
CAMERON: Has this been a secret?
BEN-MENASHE: It hasn't been a secret. We just don't advertize it.
CAMERON: Mr. Tsvangirai knows Mr. Mugabe pretty well, I suppose, has pretty good information about his associates. Do you think Mr. Tsvangirai would know that you had worked for Mr. Mugabe?
BEN-MENASHE: I don't believe that he knew that at that time there was a relationship between us. He knew that in the past there was a relationship.
CAMERON: Why would he come to you with this...?
BEN-MENASHE: Because he... I suppose... I'm... I suppose a few things passed his mind. I know Africa pretty well, and maybe they thought about my past. I was working for Israeli intelligence and I wrote a book about the subject and so on and so forth. Maybe that's what attracted their attention.
CAMERON: What is there in your record that would lead Mr. Tsvangirai to believe that you'd be open to an invitation to commit an assassination?
BEN-MENASHE: I don't know. I suppose working for Israeli intelligence means that to him.
CAMERON: Does it?
BEN-MENASHE: No.
CAMERON: This meeting happened... this... the latest meeting happened last year sometime.
BEN-MENASHE: On the fourth of December in Montreal, in our offices.
CAMERON: And did you tell Mr. Mugabe about it?
BEN-MENASHE: Of course.
CAMERON: But we're only getting the details now.
BEN-MENASHE: That's right.
CAMERON: Why?
BEN-MENASHE: They obviously have been investigating the matter.
CAMERON: But we're now in the closing weeks of an election campaign. It seems...
BEN-MENASHE: You know, that was brought up. It's... what is a good time to make this public? A year from the election, a year after the election? What is a good time to do this? And also, what was brought up on the tape that was very interesting was another assassination attempt by the MDC that was foiled by the government in April 2001, where the government did not have evidence to prove that... the link with the MDC. Except one problem now Mr. Tsvangirai has. He mentioned that plot on the tape as well, and he linked it to himself.
CAMERON: He admitted?
BEN-MENASHE: Yeah. We were talking here. He felt, you know... oh yes. Oh, yes. The tape is about six hours long. Sorry, five or six hours, I'm not sure. It's a very long tape. And it wasn't all broadcast by SBS but they have the complete tape. We have no control of what was broadcast or what was not broadcast. I suppose they cut it down. I...
CAMERON: But you have a copy of the tape.
BEN-MENASHE: Yes, we do.
CAMERON: I've seen the SBS transcript, and that's on the Internet. You can have a look at it any time.
BEN-MENASHE: Yeah.
CAMERON: And it does not make the point that you're making, that Mr. Tsvangirai invited you to kill Mr. Mugabe.
BEN-MENASHE: I believe it does, and from what I understand it does. And please look at the whole program. It does. If it isn't there it's on the tape. Anybody who wishes is invited to look at the tape. It's there.
CAMERON: OK. Let me take you up on that then. I can...
BEN-MENASHE: I will not give out copies of the tape, if you are... if you are asking for that. We are... we do not give out copies of the tape. They will be... you can go to the Zimbabwe government, which has a copy, or SBS. And I believe they are there. I will not give out copies of the tape.
CAMERON: Yet you gave one to the Australian broadcasters.
BEN-MENASHE: I did not say I gave it to them.
CAMERON: You sold it to them.
BEN-MENASHE: We did not sell anything, we did not... we did not make any money on this tape.
CAMERON: How'd they get it?
BEN-MENASHE: I have no comment about that.
CAMERON: Is there any connection in your mind between this plot and the British government?
BEN-MENASHE: Well, if you look at the tape carefully, Mr. Tsvangirai basically alludes... not even alludes, says... who is funding him. Mr. Tsvangirai says that he's being funded by some British elements, some extradition elements. He talks about white farmers giving him money. He talks about all that, yes. And again, payments for him are made out of a British firm...
CAMERON: By the British government.
BEN-MENASHE: No, I did not say the British government, please.
CAMERON: Mr. Mugabe has been complaining for some time that he is the victim of British neo-colonialism, actions by the British government and (inaudible)...
BEN-MENASHE: But... but it's... it's true. And this is why the British are very upset about this tape. They can't refute it. They're attacking me personally, they're saying the tape is a forgery or a thing. I say hold on a second. Personally, OK, you want to attack me, that's fine. The tape, you're saying it's a forgery. Look at it. Test it.
CAMERON: Have you given... have you given it to them?
BEN-MENASHE: I haven't given it to them, but the Zimbabwe government is willing... has put it up for... I think SBS has said whoever wants to take a look at it please come and look at it. I haven't, no.
CAMERON: You've just given the Zimbabwe government evidence that its primary opponent is plotting the assassination of the leader of the country. What do you expect to happen?
BEN-MENASHE: Personally, I believe that the election is going to go forward.
CAMERON: Who's going to win?
BEN-MENASHE: I don't speculate.
CAMERON: Mr. Ben-Menashe...
BEN-MENASHE: I hope the better man wins, the man that is on the correct side of history wins. I hope that. But I don't know who's going to win.
CAMERON: And that would be?
BEN-MENASHE: President Mugabe. He has... he has liberated the country from a very nasty apartheid regime, and now he has done land reform.
CAMERON: Is he a good fellow to work for?
BEN-MENASHE: He's a very smart, intellectual person. Meeting him is always a great pleasure because... because he's a very educated person.
CAMERON: Do you have any idea how much money his government has paid your firm over the years?
BEN-MENASHE: I really don't want to comment about that.
CAMERON: Mr. Ben-Menashe, thank you very much.
BEN-MENASHE: Welcome.
BUDD: Ari Ben-Menashe is the head of a Montreal-based consulting firm.
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From The Sunday Times (SA), 24 February
'There was nowhere to hide: We were trapped and being pelted from 360 degrees'
SA observers get first-hand experience of how Mugabe's thugs are fighting elections
'They were like an army formation. There was a back row providing the rocks and a front group who were throwing them. It was powerful." This is how a shaken member of the South African election observer mission to Zimbabwe described his terrifying experience on Friday, when the office of the Movement for Democratic Change at Kwekwe, about 200km southwest of Harare, was attacked by a mob of suspected Zanu PF youths. Economist Dr Bethuel Setai and National African Farmers' Union representative Eleazar Maahle, together with their South African driver, Elias Motswaledi, were on their way to Gweru from Harare when they stopped in Kwekwe to talk to political parties. "We went to the MDC offices because we wanted a list of their activities for the coming week - rallies, voter training and other related activities - that we needed to observe. We were there for about 45 minutes when we were told: 'They are here!'," Setai said. "Before we knew it, what seemed like 200 youths started stoning like hell. They were like an army . . . It was powerful. The building had been burnt previously, so there is no ceiling, no windows and the doors are all loose. There were about 30 of us inside. There was nowhere to hide. We just had the walls to navigate. We couldn't get out. We were trapped and being pelted from 360 degrees," he said. "It went on and on for about 15 minutes. It was like hail on top of the roof. They wanted to make sure that the roof falls in and takes care of us," Setai said.
The youth then began attacking the car, in which Motswaledi was waiting, with stones and iron bars. "Our van was clearly marked. It can't be mistaken," said Setai. "There was no reason to hit it as it was clearly away from the house." Motswaledi managed to drive to a police station - about 200m away - to seek help. "In the meantime, we had been phoning for help from inside the building. I even called Harare and told them that we were under attack," said Setai. The youths dispersed when Motswaledi returned with the police. Setai, Maahle and two MDC officials jumped into the car and sped off. Maahle was slightly injured during the incident, but four MDC officials were admitted to hospital. Setai said that when they went to the police station, they found two youths had been arrested. "But they were denying everything. They claimed they were just passing by," he said. The observers asked if they could interview the two youths. Under an agreement with the provincial commissioner, observers are allowed to do so, to establish the nature of the violence. However, the station's commanding officer refused. Setai said he was unable to reach the provincial commissioner to appeal. "We asked how long the police would hold the youths in custody. They said it would be as long as the investigation takes. But I don't believe we will get to interview them," Setai said.
The observers left Kwekwe for Gweru later that afternoon. "We will go back," said Setai. "It was no joke. We felt helpless and trapped, being stoned from all directions at high speed. But we will go back. This could easily turn out to be a setback for the mission. The situation still requires management. It ought not to happen again. The whole nation has been told to respect the observers so this should not have happened," he said, adding that the tension was thick on the ground. "You can feel it. You can pick it up from the reaction of people. They are so happy that we have come. They say we are saviours. Even now, after the attack, they are saying 'Please stay. We don't know what will happen when you leave.' " The South African government has vowed to continue its election observer mission in Zimbabwe, despite the attack. "There is no question of withdrawal of the SA observer mission," Foreign Affairs spokesman Ronnie Mamoepa said. "On the contrary, the last batch of the observers leave for Harare in early March to participate in the mission." Presidential spokesman Bheki Khumalo said President Thabo Mbeki, who is in Sweden for the Stockholm Progressive Summit, had immediately been informed about the attack. "He has welcomed the strictness of the Zimbabwean police for the immediate arrests and said he hoped the perpetrators will be punished," said Khumalo.
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From The Sunday Telegraph (UK), 24 February
S African poll monitors ignore Zanu PF attack
Harare - The South African observer mission to Zimbabwe's presidential election suffered a crippling blow to its credibility yesterday after its leader refused to acknowledge that Zanu PF supporters attacked some of his monitors. About 200 chanting youths laid siege to the office of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) in the small mining town of Kwekwe on Friday as South African observers were inside. They also stoned the monitors' car. Sam Motsuenyane, the leader of the South African delegation, insisted however that he could not identify the attackers. "They were an amorphous mob," he said. "I can't associate them with any group, though the motive must have been political." After the withdrawal last week of European Union monitors, the Zimbabwean opposition had hoped that the presence of the South African team would temper the worst excesses of followers of Robert Mugabe. Those prospects have now been ended. "It's pathetic," said David Coltart, the MDC's justice spokesman. "You know that Zanu PF has said we've attacked our own offices before, and if there's any doubt about who is responsible for the attack in Kwekwe, one needs only to consider the history of Zanu PF. "They're certainly responsible for the violence during the last two years - and for the attack on our Kwekwe office on Friday." Dr Motsuenyane said that the protection of buildings was not a matter for the observer mission.
Meanwhile, a mission spokesman dismissed Friday's police attack on the convoy carrying Morgan Tsvangirai, the MDC leader, saying: "We have limited power and it's not for us to protect the leader of a political party. That's not our mandate." Police turned teargas and automatic weapons on Mr Tsvangirai when he stopped for refreshments at a small trading centre in Masvingo Province. He was on his way to a party rally. As Mr Mugabe's Youth Brigades terrorised two white farmers in Mutorashanga, 60 miles north of Harare, yesterday, Musi Mulela, the South African Observer Mission's spokesman, told The Telegraph that he was unaware of the incident and was not sure where his observers were. The farmers, Bob Fraser-Mackenzie and Rootle Braunstein, had been helping workers check whether they were on the voters' roll when they were detained by the Youth Brigades and accused of meddling in politics. America on Friday joined the EU in imposing travel and financial sanctions on President Mugabe and his henchmen. The departure of the EU election observers has prompted fears that the government will unleash increasing violence and terror on the country. There are also concerns that Mr Tsvangirai may be arrested on trumped up charges of plotting to assassinate the president. Although diplomats say that Mr Mugabe assured President Joaquim Chissano of Mozambique that Mr Tsvangirai would not be arrested before the election, the fawning state-controlled press leads with the story of the plot every day.
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From ZWNEWS, 24 February
Summary evictions spread
The latest spate of evictions of farmers and their labour, which began in Chegutu on Friday, spread yesterday to farms in the Ayreshire district near Raffingora in northern Zimbabwe. Farmers have been forced out of their homes, and their labour dispersed, with only minutes notice, in the escalating violence ahead of the presidential elections in two weeks time. James Ogden-Brown of Chegutu was given 30 minutes to pack and leave his farm on Friday. He has only received preliminary notice from the government of its intention to seize his land, and there were no settlers present on it. A volatile incident, in which a mob of Zanu PF supporters also stole his firearms, was narrowly averted by the arrival of neighbours. The police only arrived after the Ogden-Brown family had left. The mob then attacked another farm in the area.
On Saturday, a Zanu PF rally in Raffingora was addressed by Ignatius Chombo, minister of local government, and MP for the area. Reports from people who attended the meeting say Chombo issued several threats against farmers in the area, warning some that their farms, and the local social club, were to be seized this week. One farmer was driven from his farm on Saturday evening. This is not the first time that Chombo has used threats of violence. Severe violence and intimidation were rife in the area in January following the wholesale trashing of farmsteads and workers housing in the neighbouring Hunyani Valley.
It is thought that these renewed attempts to completely clear farmers and their workers from commercial farming areas is part of Zanu PF’s attempt to prevent likely opposition supporters from being able to exercise their vote on March 9 and 10. The government recently changed the electoral laws to force people to vote in their constituencies. If there are driven from the areas in which they live and work, they are effectively disenfranchised. All previous presidential elections have been held on the basis that any registered voter could vote anywhere in the country.
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From The Zimbabwe Standard, 24 February
Jonathan Moyo learnt his lesson
Bulawayo - The old saying, "once beaten, twice shy", might not make much sense to many Zimbabweans struggling to get elusive basic commodities such as maize meal and cooking oil, but it certainly means a lot to information minister Professor Jonathan Moyo. For the minister, who almost converted a local hotel here into his office last year while campaigning for George Mlilo, the ruling party candidate in Bulawayo mayoral elections, appears to have taken heed of it. Residents here who got accustomed to seeing Moyo on a daily basis drumming up support for Zanu PF, say his absence from the city a few weeks before the presidential poll is an indication that he has simply accepted defeat and doesn't want to get embarrassed again.
In Zanu PF, political heavyweights normally go to their grassroots in times of presidential elections to ensure that Robert Mugabe gets the maximum votes from their areas. Leaders whose provinces come up with outstanding results are normally rewarded with cabinet or politburo posts, as happened with the late minister Border Gezi, and now with Elliot Manyika, the secretary for the Zanu PF commissariat. But Bulawayo residents say this is not the same with Moyo, who after launching a high profile campaign punctuated by generous donations running into millions of dollars, had a rude awakening as opposition MDC candidate Japhet Ndabeni-Ncube trounced Zanu PF by wide margin. Ndabeni-Ncube polled 60 988 to dismiss Mlilo who got only 12 783 votes.
This defeat was a great embarrassment for Moyo who had personally taken charge of the ruling party campaign, assisted by some reporters from the state-owned Chronicle newspaper. The minister had worked tirelessly to ensure that his party, loathed by people here, most of them with relatives who perished in the Gukurahundi massacre of the early 80s, would win the election. Armed with millions of Zimbabwe dollars, he went around dishing money to co-operatives, schools and other institutions preaching the name of Zanu PF. Moyo unsuccessfully sought to sideline the local Zanu PF leadership which included local party heavyweights such as Dr Sikhanyiso Ndlovu and Dumiso Dabengwa, whose political roots are steeped in Matabeleland, raising the ire of party stalwarts.
The stunning defeat, analysts say, exposed the minister to the stark reality that he was a political novice who could simply not read that Matabeleland was a stronghold of the opposition MDC. Now the professor, who is yet to come and actively campaign for Mugabe in Matabeleland, appears to have understood this message clearly and seems eager to stay clear of the personal embarrassment he suffered last August. Zanu PF stalwarts blamed him for the party's poor showing saying Moyo, who sought to impose himself as the heir to the late vice president Joshua Nkomo, was using divisive tactics, which were not helpful. They said he had discredited the party by bringing millions of dollars a few days before the poll, a move widely seen as vote-buying.
"Jonathan must have realised that he made a mistake in last year's mayoral election which earned him more enemies than friends in his own party. He can't afford to come and get embarrassed again," says Moffat Mpofu, a Bulawayo resident. He adds: "Certainly professor is no longer day dreaming. He is too intelligent not to realise that bringing millions again would make him a very big fool. People will rush for his money but they won't vote for Mugabe." Commended a Luveve resident: "I am sure the professor is now afraid of Matabeleland. He has had enough embarrassment recently, especially from Zvobgo in parliament, and he doesn't want to be embarrassed again when his province fails to give Mugabe meaningful votes. He would rather stay in Bulawayo and blame those who campaigned for the president in Matabeleland. But sadly he will remain a leader without grassroots support."
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From The Zimbabwe Independent, 22 February
Court orders RG to reinstate voter
The High Court this week reversed the Registrar-General's decision to de-register a permanent resident from the voters' roll in the forthcoming March presidential election. In a test case filed by Diana Elizabeth Feltoe against Registrar-General Tobaiwa Mudede, Justice Paddington Garwe declared that the applicant should remain on the voters' roll until her case is determined by a magistrate's court. This effectively means she is entitled to vote in the presidential election unless her name is struck off the register after a hearing at a magistrate's court. While Feltoe was born in Zimbabwe in 1940, her parents were born in England. For years, she was a holder of a Zimbabwean passport. At the beginning of 2001, she successfully applied for a British passport and with the passing of the Citizenship of Zimbabwe (Amendment) Act last year, she renounced her Zimbabwean citizenship. In September the same year, the Department of Immigration confirmed her as a permanent resident.
She was a registered voter but following her renunciation of Zimbabwean citizenship she, like thousands of others, lost her entitlement to vote on the basis of citizenship. The Registrar-General earlier this year notified Feltoe that she was no longer registered as a voter and that she could appeal in a magistrate's court. She then made an urgent application in the High Court appealing against the Registrar-General's decision. Feltoe argued that the section of the constitution used by the Registrar-General to disenfranchise her only applied to parliamentary elections and not presidential elections. In addition, she argued that as provided for in the constitution, she was entitled to remain on the voters' roll because she had been a permanent resident in Zimbabwe since before December 31 1985 and that she was being deprived of her constitutional right to apply to register as a voter as the voters' roll had already closed. "There is no provision in the law for the name to be removed prior to such determination (by the magistrate)," said Justice Garwe, ordering the RG not to remove her.
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From the MDC, 24 February
Volunteers needed
We need further volunteers to: be polling agents from 8 11 March; to drive polling agents; to feed polling agents; to donate fuel and the use of vehicles; to assist with administration, telephone support, radio networks, computers, etc.
The polling agents will need to be available from 8 11 March, and be present at the polling station throughout this period for 24 hours a day, as well as making sure the box is delivered intact to the counting station. The polling agent’s role is to observe, report back to the central teams whether there are any irregularities, to physically follow the ballot box to the counting centres and to wait with the box until it is opened so that s/he can verify that there has been no rigging of the vote. Since the recent changes to the Electoral Act prevent polling agents and monitors from travelling with the ballot boxes, we also need to assist polling agents and monitors to get to and from all polling stations throughout the country.
During the last election there was no violence at all during the voting period, and no comeback on volunteers in any areas. We do not expect any violence during the voting period this year. If you feel unsafe in your area, please volunteer to go to another area. Volunteers will be linked to a central support system with access to international observers, the press and there will be a reaction ream in each constituency.
Contact details: fax: 751 273; eMail, tel: 011 231 925 and 091 307 423
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From The Times (UK), 25 February
Zimbabwe observers injured in bus attack
Chinhoyi - Three foreign election observers were injured in Zimbabwe yesterday when they were caught up in an attack by supporters of President Mugabe on the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) opposition party. Duke Lefoko, the head of the observer group from the Southern African Development Community, a 14-nation economic bloc, watched as a minibus filled with members of his delegation drove through a barrage of rocks, at least one of which smashed a rear side window. "The vehicle was clearly identified as the SADC Parliamentary Forum Observer Group," Mr Lefoko said. At least four more cars had their windows shattered with rocks as they drove through a gauntlet of youths identified as Zanu PF supporters. Three members of a Botswana Government delegation - Simon Hirschveld, Professor Sera Ramogwe and the Rev Felix Mokobi - were hit by flying glass fragments. Mr Hirschveld is a former Botswana Commissioner of Police. Their injuries were slight, Mr Lefoko said.
Yesterday’s attack came after a mob of 200 ruling party youths stormed the MDC’s offices on Friday in the central town of Kwekwe while two South African observers were visiting. Neither of them were hurt, but their vehicle was stoned. Among the group of cars hit yesterday were those occupied by journalists and MDC officials, all of whom had been returning from an MDC rally in the town of Chinhoyi, about 70 miles north of Harare. An MDC official suffered a deep cut to the head. "I watched it as it happened," Mr Lefoko said. "I saw these youths with stones at the side of the road. We passed them. I was looking through the back window at our other vehicle, which was following us, and they started smashing the windows." He would not comment on the identity of the attackers.
Edwina Spicer, an independent television producer whose vehicle had its windscreen smashed by a rock in the attack, said: "I was too busy removing the glass from my face to notice who it was. But after we all stopped further down the road, I spoke to another man whose vehicle was also hit. He said the youths were wearing Zanu PF T-shirts." Before the rally, Job Sikhala, an MDC MP, and three members of the party’s national executive had to race through a Zanu PF roadblock mounted on the national trunk road at about the same place where the observers were stoned. About 20 observers, also from the United States, Norway and South Africa, were able to watch later as hundreds of Zanu PF militiamen converged on the gates of the small stadium in Chinhoyi’s township while those attending the rally were trying to leave. The ruling party youths seized election materials, harassed MDC supporters and vowed "to deal with them" when the observers had left.
"There is going to be trouble here tonight," Gift Konjana, a local MDC organiser, said. "That crowd has been watching who goes to the rally and they are going to go to their houses and beat them and beat their families." Chinhoyi is in Mr Mugabe’s heartland and adjoins the 78-year-old President’s communal home. The town is under the control of ruling party militias, with one group encamped in each of the town’s 13 wards. Before the rally, they launched new terror on the town. At 1am yesterday James Chinyai, a local youth organiser, was putting up posters to advertise the rally when he was abducted by Zanu PF youths, who beat him with whips of heavy electric cable. He removed his shirt to reveal fresh cuts, over older scars, weals, long dark bruises and scabs all over his chest and back, as well as a huge burn mark, all inflicted in his two previous abductions. Yesterday he was able to flee to escape further injuries.
Also at the rally, on crutches and with his foot heavily bandaged, was Tobias Chimuka. He was dragged from his home on Thursday after militias forced their way in and found eight MDC posters, a party T-shirt and two bandannas with the MDC logo. He was beaten on the soles of his feet until two toes were broken. Lovemore Moyo had his home searched on Thursday, but the intruders could not find the MDC membership card that he had been accused of hiding. Nonetheless they inflicted the same torture on him and also broke two of his toes. Next to him was a colleague with a bandage over a hole in his head. "We have six more people still in hospital," Mr Konjana said. "People who come to this rally are very brave."
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From Business Day (SA), 25 February
Commonwealth slams Zim violence
Harare - Violent attacks by supporters of President Robert Mugabe on Sunday after an election rally addressed by Movement for Democratic Change leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, in Chinhoyi, north of Harare, have been condemned by the Commonwealth Observer Group. In a statement, the head of the group, General Abdulsalami Abubakar called on authorities to allow voters to "freely express their will" and to allow election observers to perform their duties without being threatened. One of the Commonwealth Observer Group cars was attacked outside the stadium after the rally. A retired police chief from Botswana was also injured in an attack on another vehicle carrying members of an observer team representing the Southern African Development Community. They were in a convoy of observer vehicles leaving the opposition rally. According to witnesses, the youths throwing stones wore t-shirts emblazoned with President Robert Mugabe's picture. A second observer was also lightly injured according to Andries Botha, an observer from South Africa. He said that six observer vehicles were stoned, their windows smashed in, as they drove along the road out of Chinhoyi, 120 kilometres north of Harare, after attending a rally addressed by opposition Movement for Democratic Change Moorage Tsvangirai. Sunday's incident was the second time international observers have been attacked by ruling party activists in the past week.
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From The Daily News, 25 February
Zanu PF plans to slash urban votes
The MDC yesterday said the government was planning to reduce polling stations in the opposition party’s strongholds during next month’s presidential election, while increasing the numbers in areas where the ruling Zanu PF enjoyed support. Many Zimbabweans, the opposition said, will be disenfranchised by the Registrar-General’s decision on the number of polling stations. The election, pitting President Mugabe against Morgan Tsvangirai, the MDC leader, will be held on 9 and 10 March. In a statement yesterday, the MDC information and publicity secretary, Learnmore Jongwe, said the strategy "is carefully designed to produce long queues in MDC strongholds, slow down the voting process and frustrate the people in these areas so that they will not all vote."
In Harare and Chitungwiza, both MDC strongholds, the number of polling stations have been reduced by 30 percent from 240 in the June 2000 parliamentary election to 167 in next month’s election. For example, in Harare East constituency, the number of polling stations has fallen from 21 to 11. In Harare North, the polling stations have been slashed by nearly half from 17 to nine, while the Zengeza constituency now has seven polling stations compared to 12 in the June 2000 election. In Bulawayo, which has eight constituencies, the polling stations have been reduced by 18 percent from 164 to 134. Bulawayo North has lost eight polling stations. For Gweru, the number of polling stations has been reduced by 34 percent from 44 to 29. In Kwekwe, the polling stations are down to 13 from 17 during the last election.
Jongwe said the government has not given any explanation for the reduction of polling stations in these urban areas. "While the urban constituencies have lost polling stations, rural areas, which are erroneously perceived by the ruling party as its strongholds, have made significant gains. In rural Midlands for instance, the number of polling stations has increased by 34 percent from 497 to 699. The major beneficiaries are the Gokwe constituencies which have gained 124 new polling stations," Jongwe said. The Registrar-General, Tobaiwa Mudede, was unavailable for comment yesterday, but the chief elections officer, Retired Brigadier Douglas Nyikayaramba, said the Electoral Supervisory Commission had not yet been presented with the full list of polling stations by the Registrar-General. "We are having a meeting on 28 February with the Registrar-General when we will know the exact figure of the polling stations," he said.
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From The Times (UK), 25 February
Mugabe ready to flee Zimbabwe
President Mugabe is said to be planning secretly his escape route out of Zimbabwe after his private polling predicted he could be defeated in next month’s elections. The ailing 78-year-old has been sounding out some of his African neighbours and his dwindling number of friends abroad about providing him with a safe haven. Fearing that his opponents might try to jail him before he had a chance to slip into exile, Mr Mugabe reluctantly agreed that overtures should be made to opposition rivals. He is said to have asked President Obasanjo of Nigeria to arrange a deal about his future at an extraordinary late-night meeting in Harare last month. Much to his surprise, Morgan Tsvangirai, the presidential candidate for the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), was invited to Mr Mugabe’s official State House residence in the capital. Mr Tsvangirai, who has survived several assassination attempts, agreed to go to the meeting only after he was given guarantees for his own security by President Obasanjo. When some of Mr Mugabe’s hardline ministers heard about the invitation, there was reportedly a shouting match, with the President telling them to leave the building.
At 2am Mr Tsvangirai was ushered into its main reception room. Only the Nigerian President was there: Mr Mugabe had refused to be present. "President Obasanjo moved closer to Morgan Tsvangirai and, pointing to a portrait of Mr Mugabe on the wall, he asked: "What are you going to do about him if you win?" " a diplomatic source said. "Morgan Tsvangirai made it clear he does not want to put Mugabe on trial, or jail him and said he would allow him "to leave Zimbabwe with dignity". President Obasanjo smiled, nodded his head and said: "Good. I think that is for the best"." The deal also guarantees that Mr Mugabe’s wife, Grace, and his three children can leave, but the MDC leader insists he will ensure that Mr Mugabe does not take any looted money and treasures with him.
At his rallies Mr Mugabe refuses even to countenance defeat, but his closest advisers are saying that despite a campaign of intimidation he is facing the end of his 22-year rule. Rumours circulate in Harare that Mr Mugabe has the crew of his presidential helicopter on 24-hou |
