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Archived News
5th October 2004
Women protesters held in Zimbabwe
Mugabe opponents 'betrayed' by England cricket tour decision
Flintoff: I wouldn't have gone anyway
Zimbabwe bank tries to stem withdrawals
Nkomo denies hand in evictions
Zim hotels 'full of spies'
More questions than answers?
Seven more women protesters arrested in Harare
Training centre turned into militia camp
Police officers forced to attend ideological re-orientation course
Bitter stand-off at race hearing
Players face familiar dilemma as Zimbabwe return looms
Desperate measures in Zimbabwe
Pressure mounts on Zim's independent media
Pro-democracy group officials arrested
Nine-month old baby languishes in cells
Zimbabwe race probe collapses
Ozias Bvute - The power behind the throne
Another death at Porta Farm
Most women protestors freed in Zimbabwe
Top Zanu PF officials snatch farms
Mugabe promises to talk to the MDC
Zimbabwe fuel importers arrested
Suddenly, a sinkhole
MDC newsletter provokes uproar
SA intensifies focus on Harare ahead of election
In the face of repression
ZBC takes up farming
Zimbabwe services failing and dangers lurk
No escape for England as Zimbabwe boycott ruled out
Mujaji gets $40m and holiday package from President
Clerics call for defiance
Police confirm eviction of Zimbabwe settlers
Dairy farm invaded
Secret agents crack down on MDC activists
Moyo bans Econet adverts
Mnangagwa distances himself from Mawere
Bvute comes out fighting
Ex-Zimbabwe cricket boss to drop race bomb
Zanu PF snubs meeting
Showdown looms over evictions
Riot police descend on evicted settlers
NGO Bill to flush 10 000 jobs down the drain
Fuel supplies return to Zimbabwe
Zimbabwe aiming for 50% black ownership of mines
New twist to Zimbabwe 'racism' row
ZCU embarks on a charm offensive
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From The Mail & Guardian (SA), 29 September
Women protesters held in Zimbabwe
Police in Zimbabwe arrested 48 women on a protest march against new legislation on Tuesday that they say will be used to restrict human rights organisations. The members of Women of Zimbabwe Arise (Woza) had walked 400km from Bulawayo, the country's second-largest city, and were stopped just 30km from Harare, their destination. The organiser, Jenni Williams, said the marchers, and four men who volunteered to protect them as they slept by the roadside en route, were taken to Norton police station. A police spokesperson, assistant commissioner Wayne Bvudzijena, told Zimbabwe state television that the women had been arrested for staging an illegal protest and would be charged under security laws. Bvudzijena said the women initially claimed they were on a fundraising march for their church, but were found carrying placards with political messages. Williams said the women began the 12-day march last week to raise money and awareness for human rights work at a time when Robert Mugabe's government had proposed a law to restrict human rights organisations. "This was a march to protest against the government's plans to enact the NGO (non-governmental organisations) bill, which we all believe will be used as a repressive tool to ban and to control human rights work in Zimbabwe," said Williams. The NGO bill seeks to ban foreign human rights groups and bar local advocacy groups from campaigning on "issues of governance". Mugabe accuses Britain and other western powers of using NGOs to work against his government. Woza has become one of the most militant groups protesting at the government. The women, almost all black and churchgoers, have in the past protested at food shortages by banging empty pots and pans in the streets. Williams said that, since the group was founded in 2002, at least 300 members have been arrested for what she called "trivial issues", such as handing out red roses symbolising peace on Valentine's day and calling for the lowering of food prices.
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From The Daily Telegraph (UK), 29 September
Mugabe opponents 'betrayed' by England cricket tour decision
Zimbabwe's opposition yesterday branded as "an appalling betrayal" the decision of the English cricket authorities to tour the country to protect the financial future of the game. Human rights activists and MPs from the opposition Movement for Democratic Change said they were disgusted that the England and Wales Cricket Board had allowed money to influence its decision in November. Senior English cricket officials have long argued that withdrawal would result in swingeing fines from the sport's international governing body. One unnamed ECB source was quoted as saying: "We have to do all we can to protect the financial interests of the game." In Zimbabwe, where attacks on those seeking to oppose the regime of President Robert Mugabe have become ever more brutal, there was anger at the idea that cricketing finance was more important than the propaganda boost the tour offers the government. Roy Bennett, a white MDC MP, said: "I will not watch an international cricket game in Zimbabwe when there is so much suffering, and I love the game. How can the British come here? It is an appalling betrayal."
Arnold Tsunga, the director of Lawyers for Human Rights, said: "Do English cricket authorities simply not care about human rights? Is it only about money now?" Fidelis Mhashu, an MP and spokesman on sport for MDC, said: "We expect the ECB to give us moral support, and not to talk about money. Why do they feel comfortable to tour Zimbabwe? The patron of the Zimbabwe Cricket Union is Mugabe. British sportsmen shunned apartheid, demonstrated against apartheid in those days, but here, where everyone is suffering, the English come to play sport for the sake of money." A human rights activist in Bulawayo said: "Does anyone from the ECB remember that people were tortured after they were arrested during peaceful protests at the [cricket] World Cup here? Are they prepared for more of that this year?" While Aeneas Chigwedere, Zimbabwe's education minister, whose portfolio includes sport, was not available for comment, Mr Mugabe has said controversy over the British tour to Zimbabwe was caused by "that man Tony Blair".
Having said this month that no player with an ethical objection to taking part in a tour that might be seen as condoning the Mugabe administration would be punished, the ECB seemed to change tack on Monday. Then David Morgan, the board's chairman, vetoed plans by Duncan Fletcher, the England manager, and other selectors to allow key players to miss the five-match tour. The compromise reached allowed the announcement yesterday of a team without three of its best players, but with Michael Vaughan, the captain, still at the helm. The omission of Steve Harmison, who said he had moral qualms about travelling, Andrew Flintoff, who is believed to share those views, and Marcus Trescothick, who needs a rest, was the most that the ECB would accept. Meanwhile, in a timely illustration of the everyday brutalities meted out by the regime to opponents, a group of more than 50 women on the last leg of a 250-mile walk in searing heat to protest against proposed new laws to ban human rights organisations were arrested by members of the riot police. "We are going to be arrested any minute," said Jenni Williams, about 60 miles north of Harare when her cell phone cut out. Relatives and friends of the group, Women of Zimbabwe Arise, Woza, waited anxiously for news in Bulawayo, where the march began. Another marcher, Magodonga Mahlangu is understood to have escaped and joined a handful of women still heading towards Harare in their arduous march, described as illegal under Zimbabwe's security laws.
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From The Guardian (UK), 29 September
Flintoff: I wouldn't have gone anyway
Andrew Flintoff has revealed he had already declared his intention to boycott England's controversial one-day series in Zimbabwe before being left out of the touring party. The Lancashire all-rounder has officially been rested from the squad which will play five limited-overs internationals in the troubled African country. However, Flintoff claims he would have followed Steve Harmison's lead in opting out of the trip on moral grounds as a protest against Robert Mugabe's oppressive regime. "I told the captain Michael Vaughan and coach Duncan Fletcher last week that I wasn't available for the tour," Flintoff told The Sun. "Nothing has changed since all those meetings and problems we had in Cape Town before the start of the last World Cup. In fact, from everything I read and heard, things have got worse in Zimbabwe. Most of us have seen images from the African country and the situation looks horrific. I didn't want to go then - so why should I want to go now?" Flintoff, though, has fallen short of urging other players to make a statement by refusing to travel to Zimbabwe. He added: "I made up my mind 18 months ago that I wouldn't go to Zimbabwe unless things improved dramatically - and they clearly haven't. "But I want to make it very clear that I have nothing against any of the players who have decided to go. "This is a totally personal decision on my part - and I wish the lads all the luck in the world."
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From The Associated Press, 28 September
Zimbabwe bank tries to stem withdrawals
The state central bank tried to stem panic withdrawals from several troubled banks Tuesday, saying it won't let the finance houses collapse, state radio reported. A run on banks has been triggered by a Sept. 30 deadline set by the Reserve Bank for all financial institutions to declare their capital reserves and show they have enough liquidity to continue operating, or face being shut down. State radio quoted Central Bank Governor Gideon Gono saying banks showing inadequate capital reserves will be helped to "regularize in a manner that is non-disruptive." Central bank officials would work with shareholders, directors and managers to keep troubled institutions afloat by recapitalizing them, he said. "The market is therefore being advised to continue conducting banking business in a calm manner. ... The deadline would not translate into a free-fall Armageddon for the banking system as some have been speculating," Gone said. A rush for cash emptied many automatic teller machines in Harare during the weekend. Some lines have formed outside banks during business hours since the closure Thursday of the locally owned Trust Bank. The central bank put Trust Bank under the curatorship of an independent accounting expert and said its assets were being frozen for six months. Three other locally owned banks have been closed while being put under fiscal supervision this year, with central bank-appointed curators sent in to try and resuscitate them. The central bank said Trust Bank's own plans to seek new investors and shore up its viability had failed. Trust Bank is one of a dozen local banks licensed to black owners after the government said it wanted to break a banking monopoly traditionally held by the main international banks.
In a total of 41 banking institutions, including loan funds and small asset management firms, six are under the supervision of curators and two are being wound up by liquidators. Gono last week told a parliamentary committee on the economy that another nine institutions were expected not to be able to meet the Sept. 30 deadline to show they had minimum capital reserves of 10 billion Zimbabwe dollars. The banking sector is dominated by the main branded international banks. Zimbabwe is suffering its worst economic crisis since independence with an inflation rate of 314 percent, the highest in the world, and soaring unemployment. Since 2000, the agriculture-based economy has been crippled by the often violent seizure of thousands of white-owned commercial farms. Shortages of gasoline, food, hard currency and even local bank notes spurred speculation that gave finance houses a boom. Businessmen were borrowing money to invest in cars, scarce imports, building materials and hard currency in expectation of quick profits as prices rose with inflation. But a sudden drop in consumer demand, coupled with sharply rising interest rates at the end of last year, left many speculators unable to repay their bank loans.
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From The Daily Mirror, 29 September
Nkomo denies hand in evictions
The Minister of State responsible for Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, John Nkomo has distanced his ministry from the on-going farm evictions throughout the country and laid the responsibility squarely on the shoulders of provincial governors and resident ministers and their administrative structures. The recent wave of farm evictions - some of which have been challenged in the court - has triggered a chorus of angry voices from the settlers who have since accused senior government officials of corruption. In an interview yesterday, the Zanu PF national chairman said it was the responsibility of provincial leaderships to look into the matter and then appraise his ministry on the progress made. "The governors are the ones on the ground and know the farms that fall under their jurisdiction," Nkomo said. "They know the manner in which people were resettled. Before evictions take place, they (governors) consult with district administrators in their provinces and see where the problem lies and then go in and solve it." He added that after the evictions, the governors would then appraise his office so that the farms are properly distributed or in some cases handed over to those with offer letters. Masvingo Provincial Governor and Resident Minister Josaya Hungwe said: "Dumping people in the bush and leaving them to suffer has serious implications and connotations that give opportunists the chance to soil the land reform programme and make it appear as if it is chaotic. "There is need for the government to give the settlers alternative places where they can stay whilst they are finding their feet." Hungwe argued that the problem lay with some new farmers who have resisted relocation after it emerged that they would have been wrongfully resettled.
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From News24 (SA), 28 September
Zim hotels 'full of spies'
Zimbabwe's hotels and resorts, which are surviving only because of workshops and congresses, are now coming under threat by security police who use the establishments to spy on members of non-governmental organisations and opposition groups. An investigation by Zimbabwe's weekly newspaper, The Standard, revealed that holiday resorts at Mutirikwi lake were often visited by Central Intelligence Organisation members and the so-called Green Bombers, Zanu PF youth gangs. They visit the resorts in the hope of tracking down members of the Movement for Democratic Changes (MDC), the Zimbabwean Congress of Trade Unions and NGOs such as the National Constitutional Assembly, which is lobbying for a new constitution. Hotel staff told The Standard they were particularly concerned about the regular visits of CIO members and the Green Bombers as their presence frightened off visitors. "Only last week three CIO members, who I can identify, stormed into the hotel looking for union officials, who they said were here for a seminar," said one staff member. "Attempts to keep them out of the conference hall were useless and shortly afterwards our guests left the hotel. This isn't good for the tourism industry." The number of visitors to Zimbabwe dropped by 36% in the first half of this year. However, the government is now trying to attract tourists from Asian countries, including China.
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From cricinfo, 28 September
More questions than answers?
The ICC's two-day hearing into accusations by the so-called rebel players that the Zimbabwe Cricket Union has pursued racist policies starts on Wednesday in Harare. The ICC has appointed Goolam Vahanvati, India's solicitor-general, and Steven Majiedt, a senior high-court judge in South Africa, to hear the evidence from both sides. The hearing will be held in private, and some witnesses will only give evidence in writing as they fear physical reprisals should they be identified. It is the latest episode in a six-month saga which started in April with the sacking of Heath Streak as captain. Here are some of the questions we think the racism-enquiry judges will be wanting answers to:
One of the issues which sparked the Heath Streak crisis was the claim that Zimbabwe's national selectors at that time had, unlike almost any other country's, little cricket-playing experience between them and were actually political appointees. If not, how, for example, did Max Ebrahim and Steve Mangongo become selectors when they appear to have almost no cricket background? There are widespread accusations that the government's influence on the board has increased significantly of late, with the growing power of Ozias Bvute the most obvious evidence of this. Henry Olonga is on record as saying of Bvute and Ebrahim: "The way that [they] used to talk about white people, [they] would probably prefer to have no white people in the team." How have men with seemingly little experience of cricket risen so fast to a position of such power? In May there was a widely-reported incident, verified by several independent witnesses, in which Bvute had a physical disagreement with Mangongo, the then chairman of selectors, which, it is alleged, stemmed from Bvute's insistence that Mangongo pick more non-white players. Neither party denies the incident, although exact descriptions of what happened are disputed. What did happen?
In May, Peter Chingoka, the ZCU's chairman, went on record as claiming that there was a reliable source who advised him that a bunch of "disgruntled hardcore Rhodesians" had been plotting to destroy the game in Zimbabwe. His use of the label "Rhodesians" clearly suggests that he regarded them as white. This was partially used to justify action against the rebels. What evidence does he have of this plot? Despite denials, it appears that the chain of command inside the ZCU is slanted towards political appointees. In April, for example, Vince Hogg, the then managing director, was publicly overruled by Bvute, nominally his junior, and a man who several witnesses will confirm is Chingoka's deputy in all but name. What is the exact reporting structure within the ZCU, and are there lines of communication between the ZCU and the government? At the ZCU's annual general meeting, Ahmed Ebrahim, a senior Zimbabwe judge, ICC match referee and father of Max, referred to "devious, undercover activities that have been going on by some people behind the scenes designed to undermine the very fabric and structure of Test cricket here". This appears to have been another comment designed to create the impression that there was a conspiracy against the board. What did he mean and to what was he referring? Why was Dion Ebrahim, who is of Asian descent and widely rumoured to be Max Ebrahim's nephew, reclassified as a white player when he had previously been included in the non-white "quota"? Was this an attempt to include more players acceptable to the Racial Integration Committee, which Bvute headed, and if not, what was the reason for the reclassification?
Why are there reports of local journalists being threatened, either in person or on the telephone, when they have tried to highlight such issues? On April 18, Mehluli Sibanda was quoted in The Observer as saying he had received phone calls from a member of the ZCU board who "threatened me with unspecified action and also threatened to report me to the Minister of State for Information and Publicity, Jonathan Moyo, that I am siding with a white man." Was Mark Vermeulen, a white batsman, offered double his match fee not to play in a one-day international for which he'd already been selected, so that Stuart Matsikenyeri could play instead? In May's Wisden Cricketer Chingoka proudly wrote that "the intake of 16 for our academy programme this year includes seven white cricketers". We have only been able to find out one name, and the board has not been willing to identify the other six. As this is at the heart of the ZCU's claims not to be racist, can it supply a full independently-verified list of all those in the academy, including officials and coaches? In April it was reported that three non-white players - not among the original rebels - had withdrawn from the ODI squad to face Sri Lanka. This was denied, and the players subsequently issued a statement that they never had any intention of doing this. However, independent witnesses said that the three had been threatened, and report hearing Mangongo accuse one of them of siding "with those white racists?" Is this true?
Mangongo is closely linked with the Takashinga club, where players openly wear Zanu PF T-shirts in the nets. It was this club that instantly banned Henry Olonga for life after his World Cup black-armband protest with Andy Flower last year. Players from Takashinga have apparently been singled out for preferential treatment by the selectors. A number of sources claim that selection is based as much on racial and tribal lines as ability. Can this be disproved? The rebel players claim that a provincial general manager and the chairman of a province both threatened to boycott the fourth ODI against Bangladesh in March, as well as making threats of a pitch invasion and vandalism to the pitch at Harare Sports Club, because they didn't like the team's racial balance, which they felt contained too few players of colour. Is this true? A senior Asian administrator is on record as having been asked by Mangongo when the Heath Streak crisis started: "Are you with the whites or the blacks? You guys must decide." Is this true?
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From Zim Online (SA), 30 September
Seven more women protesters arrested in Harare
Harare - Police yesterday arrested seven more women, who were part of a group of female activists on a 440 kilometre march from Bulawayo to Harare to protest against a proposed new law that will restrict Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) in Zimbabwe. The women were arrested in the capital and were still being held at Harare central police station by late last night. Another group of 62 activists arrested on Tuesday was also last night still being held by police in the towns of Chegutu and Kadoma. Police spokesman Wayne Bvudzijena refused to say when the women, who are being charged with violating the Public Order and Security Act, will be brought before the courts. The security law requires Zimbabweans to notify police first before gathering to discuss politics or engaging in public protests. An official of a civic group alliance, the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition, told ZimOnline that police officers at Harare Central police station had said they were waiting for orders from their superiors on what to do with the protestors. "The police have told us that this is a political issue which can only be dealt with at the top. Hence they are waiting for official communication from the police headquarters," the official said. The women, all of them members of the Women of Zimbabwe Arise pressure group, said their march was meant to educate ordinary Zimbabweans about how the proposed NGO law will adversely affect their lives. They also planned to hold demonstrations at Parliament and hand in a petition urging legislators to block the NGO Bill. The Bill proposes the setting up of an NGO Council that will register civic bodies in the country. Civic society activists fear the state-appointed council could be used to deregister and shut down NGOs deemed critical of government policies. Under the proposed new law, NGOs will be barred from carrying out voter education while those wishing to undertake human rights work will be prohibited from receiving foreign funding.
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From The Daily News Online Edition, 30 September
Training centre turned into militia camp
Bulawayo - Community leaders in Zimbabwe's second largest city, Bulawayo, are complaining over the recent establishment of a training centre for members of the Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP), at the Ntabazinduna Training Centre, about 40 kilometres north of the city. The centre, which will be the fourth in the country, after Morris Depot, Thomlinson Depot and Chikurubi Training Centre, recently opened its doors to more than 300 recruits drawn from parts of Matabeleland and Midlands provinces. The youths are currently undergoing training in police duties. After training, they would be deployed to all the provinces in the country just before the country's general elections scheduled for March next year. Sources at the centre told Daily News Online that recruits would receive specialised combat training similar to the one which was given to members of the Korean-trained Five Brigade of the Zimbabwe National Army, who left a trail of destruction during the infamous Gukurahundi massacres in parts of Matabeleland and Midlands provinces.
Leaders of the Zimbabwe National War Veterans Association in the area, have equally registered their concern over the establishment of the centre. In an interview, one of the leaders, who refused to be named, said they had forwarded their concerns to the party's top leadership, as people were afraid that the centre would be turned into a torture chamber during the forthcoming elections. He said the area of Ntabazinduna was known for its anti-Zanu PF stance and therefore people were afraid that they may be targeted during the election campaigns. "Militias under the National Youth Service caused havoc in the are during the presidential elections and people are not prepared to be put in that situation again," said the war veterans leader.
Ntabazinduna Training Centre, which was originally established as a skills training institute, has not been fully utilised over the years due to lack of funding from the Ministry of National Affairs. It was later turned into a national youth training centre where militias from the National Youth Service were trained. ZRP then took over the centre with the militias being relocated to the Jairos Jiri Centre in Bulawayo. An official at the Jairo Jiri Centre, Joseph Rusike, confirmed the relocation of the youths and said the centre had reluctantly taken them in. In a recent visit to the training centre two weeks ago, police commissioner Augustine Chihuri, told some of the training officers at the institution that the establishment of a police training point in the area was a political decision. Sources close to the centre, who accompanied Chihuri, said the police commissioner also told staff at the centre that they should be prepared to take orders from his office on how they were supposed to operate.
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From Zim Online (SA), 28 September
Police officers forced to attend ideological re-orientation course
Bulawayo - The Zimbabwe Republic Police is running re-orientation courses in which officers are taught about the ill- treatment of blacks by whites including the killing by British settlers of Zimbabwe's 19th century spirit medium, Nehanda, ZimOnline has established. Sources said the courses, which are being conducted at police Provincial Updating Centres dotted across the country, were meant to prepare the law enforcement agency for the crucial general election scheduled for March next year. All officers from the rank of inspector down to constable - the lowest rank in the police - were required to attend the one-week training course in groups of 20 at a time. The courses have been going on for more than three months now, according to some police officers in Bulawayo, who have already been through the re-education programme. "Each officer must attend for all the seven days. If you fail to attend for whatever reason, you are charged first and then ordered to do the course," said one constable, who did not want to be named for fear of victimisation. He added: "Our bosses are telling us that if we do not undergo the training we will not go for election duties." Police spokesman Wayne Bvudzijena refused to discuss the matter when contacted by phone from Johannesburg.
Some of the police officers, who spoke to our news team described the re-orientation courses as highly political and apparently meant to drive a wedge between the police and anyone who did not support the ruling Zanu PF party and government. They said senior police officers who are running the courses were emphasising the need for "all police personnel to have nothing to do with enemies of Zimbabwe who include among them all members of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party and former white commercial farmers." Other topics include the colonisation of Zimbabwe by Cecil John Rhodes on behalf of the British monarchy in the late 19th century and the seizure of black-owned land by the colonists. The trainees are also taught about the government's land reforms meant to restore land to blacks and "economic sabotage by Britain and her Western allies opposed to the government's land redistribution programme." Besides the killing of Nehanda, who was hanged by the colonial administration after leading the country's first armed uprising against foreign rule, the police officers are also taught about the hanging of Kaguvi, who worked together with Nehanda.
"The killing of blacks by whites included the hanging of Kaguvi and Nehanda. We are also taught about the deaths in 2002 of (Zanu PF activists) Limukani Luphahla in Lupane district and Cain Nkala in Bulawayo," said one police officer. The government blamed the kidnapping and subsequent murder of Nkala and Lupahla on the MDC. The High Court has since acquitted six MDC activists accused of murdering Nkala because there was no evidence linking them to the crime. Lupahla's murder is still unresolved. Another police officer, who has had his stint at one of the training centres, described how the trainees began each morning with rigorous physical exercises carried out while singing Chimurenga (revolutionary) songs. He said: "In the mornings we would start with physical exercises which we did while singing revolutionary songs such as Nora, (a song written by Zanu PF political commissar, Elliot Manyika) before doing foot and arms drills." The opposition MDC, human rights groups and churches have in the past accused the police of applying state security laws selectively to punish perceived opponents of the government. They have also accused the police and other state security agents of committing human rights abuses against perceived opposition supporters. The government and its security forces deny the charges.
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From The Daily Telegraph (UK), 30 September
Bitter stand-off at race hearing
Harare - In the poisonous atmosphere of Zimbabwe in general, and its cricket in particular, the International Cricket Council's first ever hearing on racism ended its first day in stalemate yesterday. The hearing was convened by the ICC to try to resolve the six month stand-off between white senior players, and the Zimbabwe Cricket Union which began when Heath Streak was sacked as Zimbabwe captain after complaining about racist behaviour by some members of the board against white players. With feelings running high between the two parties yesterday's opening day was dominated by a stand-off between the parties which threatens to derail the entire hearing. The ICC's panel adjourned proceedings early when the rebel players refused to give evidence in front of certain members of the ZCU board. The ZCU in turn refused to co-operate with the hearing unless those officials were present. Only one witness gave evidence yesterday, in a closed court without any members of the ZCU board present. The witness, whose identity was not revealed in court and also asked not to be named by the press, said he was "fearful for his life," if his name was passed on to some in the ZCU hierarchy, in particular its acting managing director Ozias Bvute. The rebels, through their lawyer, Chris Venturas, said they would not testify in front of three ZCU board members, Bvute, Max Ebrahim, and Tavenga Mkuhlani, who is also chairman of the Mashonaland Cricket Union.
The ICC panel agreed to the request and their hand-written ruling said: "In the circumstances we are left with no choice but to request the three persons not to be present in the room whilst the players evidence is being recorded. We do so making it clear that this request is made only with a view to ensuring that the investigation proceeds further and does not in any way amount to our acceptance of the correctness of the allegations made, or the apprehensions expressed." South African barrister, Norman Arendse, appearing for the ZCU, responded by saying his client had objected to the rebels' demands because their fears were unjustified. "They [ZCU] feel that the exclusion of such persons would prejudice their handling of their case and would be contrary to natural justice," a statement read. When the request to not be present during the players' evidence was handed down, the ZCU made their threat to withdraw from the hearing. Streak had spent most of the day patiently waiting to give evidence. He later said: "If it is possible, I would like to be able to find a solution. I have always wanted a solution to the grievances which lead to this in the first place. "There are some younger players, and some other witnesses who would feel intimidated or frightened about the consequences of giving evidence in front of the three board members, in particular Mr Bvute, who have been at the heart of this problem." The ZCU declined to comment yesterday and referred questions to the ICC. The two legal teams were attempting to thrash out a compromise overnight.
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From The Times (UK), 30 September
Players face familiar dilemma as Zimbabwe return looms
By Owen Slot, Chief Sports Reporter
It is far too late and far too obvious to point out that the England cricket team's tour to Zimbabwe in November comes with a distinct sense of déjà vu. In his autobiography, Nasser Hussain, the former England captain, describes the farcical Zimbabwe chapter of last year's World Cup as "without doubt the most traumatic time of my life" and confirms that his squad harboured "overwhelmingly moral" objections to playing in Harare. Yet, here we are, 20 months on, and the administrators are intent on taking them there again. Following the lead of Hussain, however, we should not expect Michael Vaughan to acquiesce happily. It was through gritted teeth that he allowed his name to go forward as captain of the touring party when it was announced on Tuesday, but he knows that the next two months are peppered with loopholes and get-out clauses. The squad may have been finalised, but the politicking is far from over. Right up until the moment when Vaughan is strapped into a seat bound for Harare, this saga has the makings of 2003 revisited.
In Harare, the Zimbabwe Cricket Union (ZCU) is finally being forced to recognise the concept of accountability. An inquiry, called by the ICC, began yesterday, having been set up to investigate claims by Heath Streak and 14 disenfranchised white players that the ZCU espoused a racially motivated selection policy. The inquiry is being heard by Goolam Vahanvati, the Solicitor-General of India, and Steven Majiedt, a South African High Court judge. The evidence against the ZCU is said to be extremely strong, yet there is evidence against the players, too. The three-day hearing ends tomorrow and Vahanvati and Majiedt will make their recommendations to the ICC in time for its executive board meeting, which starts in Lahore on October 16. Brendan McClements, the ICC spokesman, confirmed that there are "no limitations" to the action that the world governing body can take. If racism is proven, the question is whether it is systemic or merely accountable to a few individuals. The ICC could levy the ultimate forfeit, suspending Zimbabwe from all international cricket - the country is already temporarily excluded from the Test arena - or alternatively, given the voting history of the ICC executive, the issue could be fudged.
But even in the case of a fudge, the hearing could still play into Vaughan's hands, because far more reactionary than the ICC is Fica, the international players' association. If the inquiry hands Fica judicial confirmation that racism cost the 15 Zimbabwe rebels their jobs, it will almost certainly recommend to all its members that they should not play there. And it is highly likely that Vaughan is aware of this. We could then return to that "most traumatic time", when different bodies adopt opposing standpoints with the players left stranded in the middle. Sounds familiar? And we haven't even got to the issue of safety and security yet. Here, there is further hope for Vaughan and his men. The security visit by the ECB to Zimbabwe leaves in the middle of next month. Experience shows that information can be cooked up to deliver pretty much any message desired, as previous safety checks on Harare would suggest. However, the departure date is of considerable significance because it has been postponed until October 17 - the day after Vahanvati and Majiedt's inquiry report is received by the ICC. Which suggests that the ECB may be pinning its hopes on the chance of the inquiry digging it out of its own hole first.
Meanwhile, in Harare, it would appear that the ZCU is finally coming to terms with its possible fate and busily shifting its position. So unpopular has it become that it is even losing the faith of its own natural constituency, the black cricketers. A group called The Black Cricket Pioneers Association has renamed itself - in order to avoid any slurs of racial preference - the Zimbabwean Cricket Pioneers Association (ZCPA) and is challenging the ZCU on the very argument with which the ZCU justifies its policies. "We don't have direction or facilities and there is a lot of corruption," Wellington Marowa, a leading member, claimed, "but, above all, there is a lack of effort in developing cricket in the high-density suburbs. The ZCU talk about bringing the game to the people, but our position is that we don't see any development." The ZCPA is busy lobbying in the provinces, whose members get a say in the make-up of the ZCU board. However, the signs are that the ZCU is realigning itself before it is forced to. After a stand-off of some six months, the ZCU has started addressing a new proposal for a democratisation process. This perhaps stinks of too little, too late, but it may also be extremely cute. The ZCU is convinced that the non-white majority of the ICC is loath to vote against it. So, therefore, were the inquiry to find against it, if the ZCU could then be in a position to say, "No problem, we have a reform package of our own ready to run", it might be sufficient to dissuade the ICC from drastic measures.
One other priority for the ZCU is to get some of the 15 white players back. They are now an increasingly disparate crew; some almost definitely have quit international cricket and others have started to get their teeth into other livelihoods. The younger ones, one suspects, will be wondering if their international careers are gone for good and, were the ZCU to make small concessions, may be persuaded back in to bat. And, once the ZCU has some of the 15 rebels back, the Fica position is immeasurably weakened. Which would leave Vaughan and his touring colleagues in familiar territory, back exactly where we were with Hussain at the helm 20 months ago.
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From BBC News, 29 September
Desperate measures in Zimbabwe
By Michael Hartnack
With 90% of the country's 11.8m people living on less than US$1 a day, Zimbabwe's population is facing extreme poverty in a number of desperate ways. For two million people, the answer over the past four years has been emigration, either the road to Harare International Airport, or to the Beitbridge border post with South Africa. Along the route, prostitution flourishes, despite the threat posed by HIV/Aids. Starving women sell their bodies for the deposit on a cool drink bottle: U$14cents. Meanwhile roughly 500,000 former employees of evicted white farmers are fending for themselves as hand-to-mouth goldpanners, vendors of stolen firewood and odd-job-men. A spirit of war-weariness is settling upon the country once called "the bread basket of Africa." National output and foreign currency earnings have crashed, and inflation has hit 600%. Economists talk of "200% unemployment". Less than a million people have formal sector jobs. The National Council for the Welfare of Children estimates there are at least 5,000 children living on the streets of the capital alone.
In desperation, some are turning to the Vapostori, or apostles, a religious sect which practice a mixture of Christianity and veneration of ancestors. A seven-year old prophetess, Tespy, who says she is "the third voice of Jesus," was once followed by 2,000 people on a donkey cart pilgrimage from Guruve on the Zambezi Escarpment to Mazowe, 30km north of the capital. "Blacks, coloureds, whites, Muslims and born-again Christians - they all come," Barbara Thomson, an Irish-born widow who has lived in Zimbabwe for 45 years and says she is "consulted" by four or five people a day, told BBC World Service's Focus on Africa magazine. "Money is their big worry." Frequent visitors are pensioners fearful that long-dead grandparents and great-grandparents will be angered by the sale of family heirlooms. Every fourth week, Harare's Senior Citizens Club holds an auction where its 200 members - mostly white septuagenarians - turn their treasures into cash. Some receive pensions as low as US$10 cents a month and would starve but for charity and remittances from relatives abroad.
Groups of well-wishers, driven underground by a government clampdown on independent voluntary organisations, distribute up to 700 meals a day to private homes. In the same way, churches sneak relief food into townships to evade pro-government militia and agents of the Central Intelligence Organisation. Meanwhile, the Harare-based Samaritans organisation, which used to deal with hundreds of suicide emergency calls a month, has been hamstrung by the soaring cost of phone calls - phone boxes no longer work because hyperinflation has rendered coins worthless. The organisation cannot afford a toll-free number. It is also short of volunteers, following the emigration of many educated, middle class Zimbabweans who were their traditional recruitment pool. And a counsellor at the Samaritans said that many people are finding they cannot face the poverty - and are giving up altogether as money-related crises drive them to suicide. "Their spirits are broken by poverty," she said. "They give up and do not call us."
Many elderly people deliberately kill themselves by refusing to eat. Meanwhile children and teenagers are also driven by despair when their families are unable to pay fees which range from US$ 60 cents a term at government primary schools to US$12 at secondary schools. Some young girls buy anti-malarial tablets or steal pesticides, hoping for a swift end but die after suffering weeks of agony as their liver and kidneys are destroyed. "In the rural areas women hang themselves, or pour paraffin over themselves and their children and set themselves alight," says the counsellor. "In town they turn to poison. Families pretend it was an accident to try and avoid the stigma and the expense of rituals to propitiate the spirit."
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From The Mail & Guardian (SA), 1 October
Pressure mounts on Zim's independent media
Zimbabwe Independent Staff Reporter
There is growing evidence of political pressure on Zimbabwe's media with government stepping up its harassment of journalists at two of the country's remaining private publications, the Zimbabwe Independent and the Standard. Over the past week journalists from the two publications, both owned by Trevor Ncube, have been questioned by the police about stories published as far back as February. Both are the subject of civil litigation. The Standard has also received threats from the Media and Information Commission to investigate the paper for publishing a photograph of President Mugabe hitching up his trousers which it claimed it had received complaints about. In this case, and in an earlier complaint to the Standard, the principal complainant was an official of the Department of Information in the Office of the President. Independent editor Vincent Kahiya, reporter Augustine Mukaro, and group general manager Raphael Khumalo were picked up last Thursday over a report that assessors in the treason trial of MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai had blocked Judge President Paddington Garwe from handing down a judgement before they could review a transcript of the proceedings. The story was published on July 30. Standard editor Bornwell Chakaodza was on Tuesday summoned to Harare Central police station to answer charges arising from a story published in February, which alleged that Pastor Admire Kasi had a licence to sell beer.
Meanwhile, Chakaodza was given until yesterday by the MIC to submit the negative of the photograph of President Mugabe at the Harare Agricultural Show published on the front page of the Standard on August 29. It was taken with a digital camera. MIC chairman Tafataona Mahoso, who writes for the Zanu-PF organ, The Voice, claimed the MIC had received "numerous telephone complaints" about the photograph. He enclosed a written complaint from "one of the 10 or so complainants". It was from J Neusu in the Department of Information, writing on behalf of the "Secretary of State (for) Information and Publicity" who claimed the "use of the photograph by the Standard is extremely mischievous and represents a deliberate denigration of the highest office in the country". He went on to complain that "it epitomises the weekly newspaper's editorial disposition that is underpinned by an anti-Zimbabwe and anti-Mugabe orientation. It is obvious that the paper seeks to foist on the nation an image of the President that will facilitate its regime change discourse." The photograph sought to "caricature, belittle and undermine the dignity of the Head of State", the letter said.
Neusu in an earlier complaint to the MIC had complained that "reportage by the Standard and its sister paper, the Zimbabwe Independent, is characterised by outrageous lies and ridiculous claims underpinned by misrepresentation of facts." "Their aim is to push forward an anti-government and anti-Zimbabwe discourse," he said. "If left unchallenged, such reportage would grow into a monster that threatens to unleash chaos and despondency amongst the reading public." Khumalo said recent police intervention amounted to harassment aimed at silencing the media group's voice. "We are surprised at the engagement of the police as all these cases are under litigation," Khumalo said. "A clear example is the Tsvangirai story which we were picked up for last Thursday. Justice Paddington Garwe had written to us through his lawyers complaining and asking for a retraction which implies that the case was being handled between the lawyers of the two parties." The Independent has maintained, through its lawyers, that Justice Garwe was not in any way defamed by the story. Chakaodza said the complaints represented a new wave of attempts to silence the media. "The complaints defy logic," Chakaodza said. "While we are not surprised by the reaction of the Department of Information to this award-winning photograph of the president, we are dismayed that freedom of the press is being circumscribed in this manner. Anyone with an elementary knowledge of journalism would have praised such a memorable photograph." Chakaodza said there was need to separate the state of Zimbabwe from the person of the president. "We cannot see by any stretch of imagination how a picture of the person of the president in whatever situation can be said to be "anti-Zimbabwe," he said. Observers have questioned how the Law and Order section of the CID came to be involved in the Kasi case.
From ZWNEWS: If you would like to see the photograph referred to above, please let us know. It will be sent as a JPEG attachement to an email message.
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From The Zimbabwe Independent, 1 October
Pro-democracy group officials arrested
Gift Phiri
Police this week arrested four officials of a pro-democracy group as repression of perceived government critics intensifies ahead of next year's legislative poll. Tony Reeler, Kuda Chidzike, Teddy Nemeroff and Heather Steenkamp of the Institute for Democracy in South Africa (Idasa) were arrested on Monday in connection with an inter-denominational prayer meeting held in Gweru last week. Police said Idasa facilitated an illegal meeting that violated the draconian security law, the Public Order and Security Act (Posa). "The meeting was not cleared by the police," police spokesman Wayne Bvudzijena said. The four were picked up on Monday morning and taken to Harare Central Police Station's Law and Order section where they were interviewed about their work with Idasa. They denied any involvement with the prayer meeting and were later released without charge. The arrest of the four comes ahead of a large meeting convened by the South African Council of Churches and the South African Catholic Bishops Conference to be held in South Africa next week. Idasa is providing the logistical support for the conference which has the theme "Minimum Standards for the Zimbabwe Election".
The Idasa officials' legal counsel, Beatrice Mtetwa of Kantor & Immerman, said her clients were arrested over "trumped up charges". In a statement this week, Idasa said it was "an independent public interest organisation committed to promoting sustainable democracy in South Africa and elsewhere in the region by building democratic institutions, educating citizens and advocating social justice". "It is therefore regrettable that the Zimbabwean government is treating Idasa as an outlaw that is bent on subverting the democratic processes in Zimbabwe." Meanwhile, the leader of the human rights group, Women of Zimbabwe Arise (Woza) Jenni Williams and seven other women activists were still in custody at the time of going to press last night. The women were arrested on Wednesday in Harare after completing an epic march from Bulawayo. The eight were rounded up and bundled into a police truck. They were taken to Harare Central police station. Bvudzijena said the eight were arrested for "participating in an illegal demonstration."
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From Zim Online (SA), 30 September
Nine-month old baby languishes in cells
Harare - A nine-month-old baby is among 56 women activists detained in police cells in Chegutu town and in Harare after attempting to march from Bulawayo to Harare in protest against a proposed new law that will restrict Non-Governmental Organisations in Zimbabwe. The baby could be heard wailing in the cells at Harare central police station where its mother is being held together with eight other women activists of the Women of Zimbabwe Arise pressure group. Leader of the women, Jenny Williams, told ZimOnline from the cells: "We have not fed since afternoon and it is painful to a nine-month baby who was arrested with us crying all the time. The conditions in the cells are just bad." A lawyer from the Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights battled in court unsuccessfully yesterday to have 48 of the women held in Chegutu released. The court reserved judgment to today. In Harare, another lawyer representing the nine women activists detained at the capital's main police station said she will try to get the women released on bail today. The women were arrested on Tuesday in Chegutu and at Selous less than 100 kilometres from Harare. Williams and her colleagues managed to evade the police and sneaked into the capital but were later apprehended. The women were arrested after walking 300 of the 440 kilometres from Bulawayo to Harare. They left Bulawayo on Sunday last week. They planned to demonstrate at Parliament and to hand in a petition urging legislators to block the NGO law. Civic organisations in Zimbabwe say aid to the country will dry up completely if the government passes the proposed NGO law. The law seeks to ban NGOs from carrying out voter education while those wishing to do human rights work will be prohibited from receiving foreign funding.
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From AFP, 1 October
Zimbabwe race probe collapses
Harare - A formal hearing into allegations of racism in Zimbabwe cricket, set up here by the International Cricket Council (ICC), collapsed in disarray when the Zimbabwe Cricket Union (ZCU) and the rebel players refused to budge on witness procedure. One of the adjudicators, South African Justice Steven Majiedt said they had no alternative but to "terminate these proceedings." ICC president Ehsan Mani labelled the events in Zimbabwe as 'disappointing'. "I am disappointed that the hearing did not go the distance. I would prefer to have had the oral evidence heard by the two-member panel but this has now proved impossible," said Mani. "I will now await the report into the allegations from the panel." That report will now be considered at the ICC executive board meeting set for Pakistan on October 16 and 17. The impasse was caused when the ZCU demanded that three of its directors should be allowed to hear what the players had to say. The players - former captain Heath Streak, batsman Stuart Carlisle and all-rounder Trevor Gripper - refused to accept this condition.
Judge Majiedt said: "In view of the inflexible and incalcitrant attitudes adopted by the two parties we have no alternative but to close this hearing." Acting for the ZCU, Norman Arendse asked whether he and Chris Venturas, who represents the players, could nevertheless hold a one-on-one meeting to try and address the problem. It was agreed they could do so, but the two lawyers were required to notify the adjudicators of any decision later in the day or Friday when they will be in London. The players and the ZCU had been told overnight by Majiedt and his colleague, the India solicitor-general Goolam Vahanvati, that they should meet and try to resolve the witness issue. But no meeting took place. The players were told at that time that it was they who wanted the hearings held 'in camera' but that their views and allegations were already well known. However the players said they nevertheless felt intimidated. The players actually wanted three particular and named directors excluded. The ZCU felt it had a right to be present to hear what was being said against them.
Arendse said the ZCU had "bent over backwards" to try and see a way through the impasse. "It was the ZCU which had always wanted the hearing to be held in public," he said. It has been the players who wanted it held in private." Venturas was reprimanded by the panel for saying to the press and his clients in a public place at one stage that he had been "gagged." Majiedt closed the hearing by saying to the two parties: "I see a good deal of goodwill between the players and the ZCU. You need each other. We cricket followers love to see the underdogs take on the favourites and you have done that. You need also seniors to bring on the juniors." The issue of racism goes back to the beginning of the dispute, when Streak complained to the ZCU directors that their national selection panel, which included persons with no first class cricket experience, had chosen black players with lesser merit than whites. He was immediately dismissed, resulting in 15 white players resigning when he was not re-instated and wre immediately sacked. All subsequent efforts to resolve the issue only added to hostilities. Meanwhile a "reserve" Zimbabwe XI has replaced them and have been given by the ICC until January to reach Test status.
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From cricinfo, 30 September
Ozias Bvute - The power behind the throne
Steven Price
The crisis which is threatening to destroy cricket inside Zimbabwe took another twist in Harare yesterday, when the ICC hearing into allegations of racism levelled against the Zimbabwe Cricket Union (ZCU) was halted before it had really got under way. The problem was that many of the witnesses refused to testify in the presence of three ZCU officials, and the one who caused the most alarm among those ready to face the hearing was Ozias Bvute. Bvute is something of a mysterious figure. Enquiries as to his exact role within the ZCU produce little of any substance, and repeated requests to the board for clarification remain unanswered. Even getting hold of a photograph of him is impossible. Officially, Bvute is the head of marketing, but like so much in Zimbabwe, the title appears barely to hint at his exact role within the organisation. Several sources said that anyone visiting the board's offices in Harare recently were left in no doubt that while Chingoka was in London on ICC business, Bvute was running the show. Chingoka was keen to play that down when questioned, but whatever his official role, Bvute is a major player and appears to have assumed the role of managing director following the resignation of Vince Hogg last month.
Bvute is described by those who have dealing with him as articulate, loud and flashy. He drives a BMW X5, wears stylish suits, and displays all the trappings of success in modern Zimbabwe. He is young - estimates put him in his early thirties - and runs his own business in Harare. One journalist told me that Bvute "knows how to push the right and wrong buttons with people. He understands power, and can be intimidating intellectually and with his physical presence." Bvute's cricket credentials appear almost non-existent, and his appointment in 2001 to the ZCU was as head of the Integration Implementation Committee, putting him in charge of the union's integration policy relating to the advancement of black players. Many have described this role as being that of a "political commissar", and from the off his links with the ruling Zanu-PF regime have been widely reported. Almost nothing is known about Bvute before that appointment, although Henry Olonga, the former Zimbabwe fast bowler who fled the country after his famous black-armband protest during the 2003 World Cup, said that Bvute and Max Ebrahim had already established a hardline organisation called the Campaign to Eradicate Racism in Zimbabwean Cricket. "They were pretty militant in their attitude," Olonga recalled, "and were prepared to accuse people of being racist and to take drastic measures, such as calling the black players out of the mixed local leagues and getting them to form their own all-black league."
Bvute first began to attract more widespread attention during the World Cup when he tried to get Andy Flower dropped after he had also donned a black armband, a move which was thwarted when several leading players threatened to refuse to play. Bvute backed down, but was soon back in the limelight when a few days later he kicked Olonga off the team bus and ordered him to stop wearing Zimbabwe cricket kit. Bvute's intimidatory side was again in evidence at the ZCU's AGM later that year when one or two dissenters suggested that Robert Mugabe, the president of the board, did not deserve to be re-elected on the nod. "If the member knows what is good for his health," Bvute snarled, "he will desist from asking such questions." While Bvute's supporters play down his connections with the Mugabe government, few actually believe that the two are not closely linked. "He constantly tells team members that he has been to [information minister] Jonathan Moyo's office and been talking to him about cricket issues," one former player said. "If that's not being involved in politics in Zimbabwe today, nothing is."
But the extent of Bvute's influence really became apparent during the Heath Streak crisis in April. Some claim that Bvute triggered the whole affair when he announced that Dion Ebrahim, of Asian descent and classified black for selection purposes, would be reclassified as white, thus limiting places in national teams this year to four white players. Streak objected, and Bvute demanded that Chingoka sack him. Accounts of what actually happened in the next few days vary, but what is not in question is that when Vince Hogg, the managing director of the ZCU and second only to Chingoka, brokered a possible compromise, he was immediately overruled by Bvute. It was then that his real standing became clear. In the next few months Bvute's antics did little to help the ZCU's cause. At the end of April he was involved in a public scuffle with Steve Mangongo, the chairman of selectors. Witnessess say that Mangongo was arguing that he had to have the freedom to pick the best side, white or black, while Bvute told him that he had to "pick who he was told to pick". A tussle ensued which ended with Mangongo in a head- or arm-lock, depending on which account you believe. Mangongo, a hardliner himself, stood down four months later, and was replaced by Bvute's close ally, Max Ebrahim.
As the crisis deepened, Bvute's true colours became more visible. "It appears like they waited for someone to slip up," said Olonga, "and as soon as Streak made those demands, he was fired. And anyone who stood up with him was gone as well." On the pitch, Zimbabwe were in freefall, and Bvute wasn't a happy man. When Pommie Mbangwa, a former Zimbabwe international turned commentator, dared to criticise the new-look side, Bvute stormed into the media box and told him that he was sacked. He later relented. And when Zimbabwe were humiliatingly bowled out for 35, Bvute reportedly turned on the (white) groundsman and blamed him for preparing a pitch designed to embarrass the Zimbabwe side. Over the summer Bvute assumed even more importance. In May he accompanied Chingoka for high-level meetings at Lord's with the England & Wales Cricket Board. His increasing profile led to Lord Avebury, in the House of Lords, demanding that he, along with Chingoka, be banned from travelling to the European Union as they were "close supporters and collaborators of the [Mugabe] regime". Avebury described Bvute as the board's Zanu-PF representative. As the ZCU's August annual general meeting loomed, there were rumours that some of the provincial associations were planning on opposing the existing board. Bvute's response was to try to gain a foothold at a provincial level. It was alleged that he offered Vumindaba Moyo, a leading candidate to become chairman of Matabeleland, a job within the ZCU so that Moyo would campaign for him instead. But Bvute had almost no links with Matabeleland, and Moyo is reported to have told him to "go to hell". As it was, the rebellion never materialised, and Bvute was re-elected.
Almost all those who have opposed Bvute have now left the ZCU - either of their own volition or sacked. As his power grows, so does his own perception of his influence, and journalists who have dared to oppose the board have been intimidated by him. The latest indication of his status came when a source close to the ZCU revealed that Bvute had called in the Zimbabwe squad shortly before they left to take part in the Champions Trophy and told them that he was in charge and, as such, they should all call him "Sir". And now the only person nominally above Bvute in the ZCU food chain is Chingoka. His position is safe, as he is an identifiable figurehead. Even Bvute realises that the cricket world would not tolerate someone with as little experience as him emerging as the new head of the ZCU. But Chingoka, a natural survivor, has realised which way the wind is blowing, and his utterances of late have been far more bullish than before. Meanwhile, behind the scenes, Bvute continues to exert more influence. What is sure is that while he has his hands on the reins, there will be no compromises and no chance of any settlement with the rebels.
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From Amnesty International, 1 October
Another death at Porta Farm
11 people now dead following police misuse of tear gas
As the death toll rises at Porta Farm following police misuse of tear gas during an attempt to forcibly evict residents, Amnesty International is repeating its call for an immediate, full and independent inquiry into the actions of the police and the subsequent deaths. Of the 11 people known to have died so far, five are children under the age of one. On 22 September Amnesty International reported that 10 people had died at Porta Farm, following exposure to tear gas. Relatives of the 10 deceased have confirmed this information to Amnesty International in sworn affidavits. An eleventh person, Angeline Nhamoinesu, aged 46, has since died. Her relatives report that she also became sick after being exposed to tear gas on 2 September 2004. They have requested a post-mortem. All 11 deaths were reported to Norton Police Station or to a Police Post based at Porta Farm by relatives of the deceased. In accordance with Zimbabwe law, relatives obtained permission from the police before they buried their dead.
According to Zimbabwean and South African media, the Zimbabwe Republic Police have denied that any Porta Farm residents died following the events of 2 September. Amnesty International, with the permission of relatives, is naming the deceased. They are: Fungai Livson's one-day-old son (he had not been given a name); Ronald Job Daniel (5 months); Matilda Matsheza, (5 months); Yolanda Rungano (5 months); Monalisa Banda (7 months); Kuyeka Phiri (aged 30); Viola Mupetsi (aged 30); Julia Nheredzo (aged 32); Raphael Chatima (aged 40) and Vasco John (aged 65). "The Government of Zimbabwe must ensure that police behaviour at Porta Farm on 2 September 2004, including the use of tear gas by police officers and the 11 deaths which followed, are rigorously investigated, and the results of the investigation made public," Amnesty International said. "Any police officer responsible for breaches of police procedures and violation of human rights must be brought to justice." Since making its first public statement on the situation at Porta Farm, Amnesty International has received information alleging that residents are being subjected to intimidation by members of the Zimbabwe Republic Police. "The Zimbabwean authorities should ensure that such intimidation ceases immediately and that the allegations are fully investigated. Residents of Porta Farm must receive the full protection of the law," Amnesty International said.
On 2 September 2004, riot police, war veterans and members of the youth "militia" reportedly went to Porta Farm to forcibly evict some 10,000 people, many of whom have been living there since 1991. The police were acting in defiance of a court order prohibiting the eviction. According to eye-witness testimony the police fired tear gas directly into the homes of the Porta Farm residents. Doctors who examined some of the Porta Farm residents following the events of 2 September believe that those most seriously affected by the tear gas were particularly vulnerable due to pre-existing illnesses such as tuberculosis. On 22 September 2004 Amnesty International expressed grave concern about the police action at Porta Farm, and the deaths which followed. Since then, a spokesman for the Zimbabwe Republic Police has been quoted in the Zimbabwe Independent on Friday 24 September, and in the South African newspaper Business Day (Johannesburg) on 28 September saying the Zimbabwe Republic Police are unaware of the deaths at Porta Farm.
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From The Mail & Guardian (SA), 2 October
Most women protestors freed in Zimbabwe
Harare - A Zimbabwe court on Friday ordered the release without charge of 46 women who were arrested earlier this week for staging a protest march between the second city of Bulawayo and Harare, a lawyer said. Seven others, including prominent activist Jenni Williams, who were arrested on Wednesday in Harare, have yet to make a court appearance. "They have been released. The magistrate ruled that there was no basis for them to answer those charges," lawyer Chipo Hama said by phone from Chegutu, the small town where the women were arrested on Tuesday. The women staged a march of more than 400km to protest a proposed law on banning foreign human rights group and cutting off funding to groups promoting rights and democracy. Police arrested the 46 women on Tuesday in Chegutu, about 100km southwest of the capital, for violating the tough security laws, notably "disturbing the peace, security or order of the public". Their colleagues, who pressed on to the capital, were arrested on arrival. Police said the protesters had failed to obtain permission for the protest march as required under the country's security laws.
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From Zim Online (SA), 2 October
Top Zanu PF officials snatch farms
Harare - Senior ruling Zanu PF party politicians have snatched up most of the 40 farms seized by the government from agro-firms, estate and plantation companies in the last month. The government took the land saying it wanted to allocate it to black commercial farmers under its A2 resettlement scheme. It also said some of the farms closer to cities would be handed over to municipalities for residential purposes. An investigation this week by ZimOnline established that at least 21 of the farms allocated so far had been given to Zanu PF officials or their private companies. Some of the firms given the farms for free are involved in housing development. Under normal circumstances, the firms must pay for land acquired for property development. The probe established that Divine Homes, a company jointly-owned by deputy Finance Minister David Chapfika and another investor was allocated Lot 18 of Glen Forest, which is part of Borrowdale Estates, just outside Harare. The property measures 12 368 hectares. The same company was also in the last four weeks given Lot 9 Block S of Hatfiled Estate just outside Harare. The farm is 140 380 hectares.
Zanu PF stalwart, Chester Mhende, through his company, Shelter Zimbabwe, snatched up Lyndhurst farm. The size of the farm could not be immediately established. Mhende already owns another 119-hectare farm near Norton town about 40 kilometres west of Harare. He grabbed the Norton property last year from white farmer Joe Whaley. Another company, Amalish Investments, which is owned by one R Musarurwa, who is an official in Zanu PF's Harare provincial executive, grabbed Chizororo and Stonerigde farms. The two properties, all located along the Harare-Chitungwiza highway, measure more than 300 000 hectares in total. Sally Mugabe Housing Cooperative, named after the late wife of President Robert Mugabe and led by prominent war veteran Daniel Mawaka, received three of the farms taken from corporate firms by the government in the last four weeks. The co-operative took over Gletwyn farm, measuring 750 000 hectares and Arcon Estates, measuring 57 124 hectares. The 130 000 hectare Saturday Retreat, seized from Crest Breeders International went to Simon Muzenda Housing Co-operative run by pro-government war veterans.
Reverend Obadiah Musindo, who is widely perceived to be pro-Zanu PF, last week told his congregation that his Destiny of Afrika co-operative society had been allocated five farms near Harare and planned to develop five thousand units to be offered to Zanu PF supporters only. Several other Zanu PF officials, especially members of the women's league and the Zimbabwe National War Veterans Association, were also given the farms. This is not the first time that Zanu PF has allocated land to its supporters and top official ahead of ordinary Zimbabweans. A special report prepared by Minister for Special Affairs Responsible for Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, John Nkomo, which was leaked to the Press last year said that senior government and ruling party politicians had kept most of the best land seized from white farmers. Many had as much as five farms each according to the report. The Zanu PF politicians have so far ignored calls by Mugabe to surrender the extra farms in line with the government's stated one-man-one-farm policy. Nkomo yesterday said he was still to receive a full report from his officials about how the farms acquired by the government in the last month had been distributed. He said: "It could have happened but I cannot comment any further as I am yet to receive a full report. We will institute investigations if necessary."
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From The Mail & Guardian (SA), 29 September
Mugabe promises to talk to the MDC
Godwin Gandu
Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe has promised President Thabo Mbeki that he would adopt confidence building measures to iron out differences with the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) to avert a boycott of next year's election. Diplomatic sources, traditionally coy when dealing with the ongoing negotiations, told the Mail & Guardian that Mugabe made the pledge in New York on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly last week. The MDC has received the undertaking with scepticism. MDC secretary general Welshman Ncube said: "The sooner President Mbeki realises how insincere Mugabe had been for the last four years, the better. No informal talks have ever taken place, despite Mugabe's continued assurances to Mbeki." Sources said Mbeki told Mugabe that he faced a dilemma at regional level. "He was told, politely, that he would not get anywhere without a political settlement." Mbeki assured Mugabe that the MDC would "play ball" if everything was done in good spirit and that he (Mbeki) would send an emissary to Harare to facilitate dialogue.
A highly placed source in Zanu PF told the M&G that "Mugabe has a high regard for Mbeki as a sober, progressive African brother but does not take instructions on domestic political affairs." Editorials and columns that appeared in state-run newspapers under the name of Lowani Ndlovu, widely believed to be Information Minister Jonathan Moyo, slammed Mbeki for inviting the MDC to the Union Buildings, describing this as indirectly boosting the profile and legitimacy of the MDC which Zanu-PF considers as the enemy and British Prime Minister Tony Blair's agent for regime change in Zimbabwe. A senior Zanu PF official told the M&G that Mbeki should have sent junior government and ANC officials to deal with the MDC. The MDC said it will make a final decision about participating in the poll once the government announces the election date. "Only then we will ask ourselves whether Zanu-PF has implemented the minimal requests for a free and fair election," Ncube said. In the meantime they are briefing diplomats and regional governments on their demands to have repressive legislation repealed, newspapers unbanned, and to have access to the public media.
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From The Mail & Guardian (SA), 30 September
Zimbabwe fuel importers arrested
At least two Zimbabwean businessmen have been arrested while scores more face "de-registration" after a police crackdown on bogus fuel imports. Zimbabwe's Energy Minister, July Moyo, has said that as many as 24 fuel importers could be closed down after failing to prove they imported either petrol or diesel into the country. Under strict foreign currency laws, fuel importers must prove to the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe that they did in fact use scarce foreign currency allocations to import fuel. "We've given them a deadline and if they fail to give us the proof we need, we will de-register them and the police will take up the investigations," said Moyo. Zimbabwe has faced lengthy fuel shortages for four years during the country's worst ever political and economic crisis.
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From The Financial Mail (SA), 24 September
Suddenly, a sinkhole
Investors need certainty in Zimbabwe before they commit to expansion of crucial export industry
Impala Platinum (Implats) is the mining group that will be the most affected by negotiations over black economic empowerment (BEE) in Zimbabwe's mining industry. Implats controls much of Zimbabwe's fledging platinum sector through Australian-listed Zimplats, in which it owns an 83% stake. Zimplats chairman Rob Still comments: "Following the statement attributed to President Robert Mugabe demanding a 50% stake in mining companies, we have had clarification from the minister of mines on Zimplats operations. "He has confirmed that our special agreement with the government - which provides for a 15% BEE stake in the company to be sold to local businessmen - continues." Zimplats has been looking to complete that BEE deal for the past four years, but has yet to finalise it. The main problem is that potential Zimbabwean buyers are battling to come up with the US$36m needed to buy the stake. Ian Saunders, president of the Zimbabwean Chamber of Mines, says the chamber is seeking clarification from the ministry of mines. Last year a document proposing that up to 49% of mining assets be sold to black Zimbabweans - apparently initially linked to developments in the small-scale gold mining sector - was withdrawn after widespread protests. Saunders confirms the chamber has received a revised draft of the proposed mining legislation, and will be providing its response to government by the end of September. He says the draft is along the lines of discussions with government held over the past few months, but he will not go into specifics.
Zimbabwean mining sources believe the initial level of BEE participation in Zimbabwe will be similar to that in SA, at around 15% rising to 26%. They are at a loss to explain Mugabe's comments, but one suggestion is that they are part of the rhetoric building up towards the parliamentary elections due in March next year. The problem is the uncertainty created by Mugabe's track record. Until that uncertainty is removed, Implats is in a difficult position. It is about to get heavily into a US$109m expansion at Zimplats which is just the first part of a planned three-phase expansion project which could cost $700m in total. Implats CEO Keith Rumble said recently he was waiting for final approval of amendments to Zimplats' special mining licence, which would also finalise the requirements for local ownership, before the group would invest the money. He also wanted to see the signing of the pending bilateral accord between Zimbabwe and SA, which would provide more security for the group's planned investments. Zimplats produces 85 000 oz of platinum annually. The first-phase expansion will increase this to 145 000 oz during 2006 and production could reach 345 000 oz annually from 2009 onwards if Implats went ahead with the full project. That constitutes an important chunk of Implats' planned future growth, in addition to being the most important new investment to be made in Zimbabwe, so there is a lot at stake on both sides.
JP Morgan analyst Steve Shepherd says his discounted cash flow value of Implats with all its Zimbabwean business intact is R565/share. Removing all that business from his financial model would drop the value to R497/share. He adds: "We cannot begin to rationalise the comments, if they are true. But from Implats management statements made recently, should the threat prove to be substantial, Implats' investments in Zimbabwe would likely be put on hold until clarity emerged." The Implats share price has dropped from around R540 to R524 since publication of Mugabe's comments. Some Zimbabwean mining executives believe SA pressure will force Mugabe to back off, since it is SA mining houses that are in the front line in Zimbabwe. Others are more cautious, saying government officials see no difference between plans to "indigenise" the mining sector and the principles underlying SA's mining charter. If Mugabe goes through with his plan, while also forcing foreign mining houses to sell 15% of their shares to black empowerment investors, companies like Implats, Anglo American (which has plans to develop the Unki platinum mine) and Mzi Khumalo's Metallon group, which owns Independence Gold Mines, will all lose control of their Zimbabwean investments.
Common sense says that though Mugabe will use the threat as an election ploy, he is unlikely to go through with it. The Zimbabwean government lacks the finance and the expertise to take and run the mines, and the last thing it needs is an open breach with its ally and protector, SA. Yet common sense counted for little when it came to taking over farms, and only last week the Mkwasine sugar and wheat estate, owned jointly by two SA groups - Anglo American and Tongaat-Hulett - was gazetted for compulsory acquisition by government, implying that Harare does not expect an adverse response from Pretoria. With the collapse of the tobacco sector, mining is now Zimbabwe's largest exporter. Other key mineral exports are ferrochrome and asbestos. Mugabe's sabre-rattling at the mining houses coincided with the glum admission by the state-owned Grain Marketing Board that maize deliveries so far this season amounted to only one-eighth of the total predicted by government earlier this year. And a recent IMF Article IV report on Zimbabwe's economy says its monetary policy is "inadequate and unsustainable" and recommends "sustained tightening".
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From The Daily Mirror, 2 October
MDC newsletter provokes uproar
The Chief Executive Officer and Editor in Chief of the Zimbabwe Mirror Newspapers Group, Dr Ibbo Mandaza has acknowledged that the MDC insert that appeared in the Daily Mirror yesterday had been construed as a an advertorial flyer rather than as a newspaper it turned out to be and was carried in the spirit in which other flyers are regularly carried in the paper. Dr Mandaza was commenting on complaints from some sections of the public, asserting that the MDC newsletter said that it The Changing Times- Newsletter of the Movement for Democratic Change, was advertorial in content and that, unlike other newsletters such as Homelink, amounted to a newspaper publication. In a statement, Dr Ibbo Mandaza said, "It is the policy of the Zimbabwe Newspapers Mirror Group to cater for all political advertisements from all political parties, and other advertisers in the political arena, and this has been done on several occasions before. Indeed, the Mirror has done so before and will continue to do so in the future without fear or favour and in the interests of democracy and multi-partyism in Zimbabwe. However, the Zimbabwe Mirror Newspapers Group regrets the ANY INCONVENIENCE CAUSED to any of our readers with respect to what appears to be an inadvertent carriage of a purported newspaper publication on the part of a political party."
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From The Sunday Times (SA), 3 October
SA intensifies focus on Harare ahead of election
Brendan Boyle and Sunday Times Foreign Desk
South Africa confirmed yesterday that it had stepped up contact with President Robert Mugabe's Zanu PF and the opposition Movement for Democratic Change ahead of Zimbabwe's election early next year. "There has been a deliberate decision to intensify the contact with both parties in Zimbabwe," chief government spokesman Joel Netshitenzhe said. Zanu PF and the MDC sources in Harare said the SA government was now regularly focused on the Zimbabwean crisis. They said both parties briefed Pretoria at least once a week through its embassy in Harare, the Department of Foreign Affairs or President Thabo Mbeki's office. Netshitenzhe said South Africa was encouraging the implementation of Southern African Development Community protocols for free and fair elections, which include the right to campaign freely, arrangements for the conduct and monitoring of the vote and free access to the media. Mugabe previously promised to engage the opposition in negotiations about election rules but little has come of his undertakings so far. The contact is being managed from the SA side by the director-general in Mbeki's office, Frank Chikane, and by the President's legal adviser, Mojanku Gumbi. Welshman Ncube, secretary-general of the MDC, which said it would boycott the poll unless conditions for opposition campaigning improved dramatically, welcomed the enhanced contact with South Africa. "We are now [holding] weekly briefings with the SA government," he said. "We discuss the Zimbabwean crisis openly and honestly ... It's very helpful." A senior Zanu PF source also confirmed that Mbeki's government was talking to his party "more often".
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From The Financial Mail (SA), 3 October
In the face of repression
By Welshman Ncube
On a recent visit to SA, Welshman Ncube, secretary-general of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), member of parliament in Zimbabwe and advocate of that country's high court, spoke to Thandeka Gqubule
Tell me about the MDC's decision to boycott the coming elections.
No, we need to clarify that we are not on boycott. We prefer to say that we have decided to suspend participation in the pending elections until there is compliance with the SADC (Southern African Development Community) protocol on how elections ought to be conducted. Zimbabwe is currently in violation of every aspect of the protocol. So, we are calling on Zimbabwe to comply. Zimbabwe is signatory to the protocol and so we are simply asking that they comply with the obligation that has been assumed. Institutionalised violence continues, repressive pieces of legislation designed to further close political space are proceeding, access to public media by all is grossly skewed, basic democratic freedoms and rights continue to be violated. In fact, the general restoration of political freedom is not on the table for discussion as we approach this election. Regarding our suspension of participation, we have received a ground-swell of support. We have been to all the provinces across the country and the suspension has been enthusiastically received. I have just spoken in my own constituency in Bulawayo East and the reception of the position we are taking has been very good indeed. After all, we already have a few disputed elections under the belt; why would we go for more?
Have you canvassed your position on the suspension of participation in this election beyond Zimbabwe?
Yes, we are in a round of meetings with all the heads of state in the SADC region. All the leaders in the region are basically in agreement on what is wrong, yet what seems unresolved is what action should be taken. There is still a reliance on persuasion and quiet diplomacy. Such diplomacy normally takes place behind closed doors, so I am uncertain what is going on behind those doors. What I can confirm is that we are not experiencing the results of quiet diplomacy. It also remains clear that Zanu PF does not desire dialogue.
You had a meeting with President Thabo Mbeki on Saturday evening. How did that go?
All the meetings with heads of the SADC have been frank, constructive and open. Our meeting with President Mbeki was in this spirit.
How would you describe the political and social climate in Zimbabwe at the moment?
The environment is worse than at any time in our history as a country. The situation is characterised by violence in various parts of the country, like Mutasa. We have also seen Zanu-upon-Zanu violence in some regions. The introduction of legislation to shut down and silence nongovernmental organisations is proceeding. This will be one of the most insidious pieces of legislation to date. It aims to further close political space by preventing the existence of social and other organs of civil society from publicly raising human rights issues and governance concerns. Further, the legislation will be a crackdown on churches - they will not be able to embark on social-extension ministries and will be confined to preaching about heaven only.
What of the future?
Well, if there is no intervention we will see the deepening of poverty and the political isolation of Zimbabwe. We will see increased shortages in a number of basic and essential products. We will also experience a general economic meltdown. This is why we should ensure adequate international pressure on Mugabe and his regime and organise internal pressure to achieve concessions to ensure we live in a more democratic environment.
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From The Zimbabwe Standard, 3 October
ZBC takes up farming
By our own staff
After championing the government's controversial "agrarian revolution" the public broadcaster, Zimbabwe Broadcasting Holdings (ZBH), has decided to practise what it has been preaching during the last four years. A regional, town and country planning notice last week announced that ZBH formerly the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation is planning to carry out horticultural operations at Pockets Hill in Highlands, Harare. The notice says: "The proposed horticultural use is temporary. It has been necessitated by the current need to generate foreign currency, which is intended to sustain and enhance broadcasting services of the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Holdings." According to the notice, the affected portion of land is reserved for the future expansion of the broadcasting station but will not be needed for the next 10 years. In terms of the Borrowdale Racecourse Local plan, horticulture is not freely permitted nor subjected to special consent procedure of Harare City Council. An application has been lodged with the Ministry of Local Government, Public Works and National Housing seeking authority to carry out the proposed horticultural operations. Rino Zhuwarara, the executive chairman of ZBH, was not immediately available for comment yesterday.
Meanwhile the Zimbabwe Revenue Authority (Zimra) has garnished the accounts of the ZBH over unpaid taxes amounting to more than a billion dollars. Sources at the national broadcaster revealed to The Standard that the company has not been remitting tax to Zimra since March this year leaving the company in a debt of $1,3 billion in unpaid taxes. According to findings of the Parliamentary Committee on Transport and Communications' investigations, ZBH has been making serious losses because of political interference and dwindling advertising volumes. ZBH sources told The Standard that the move by Zimra had seriously affected all the other subsidiaries. Zhuwarara would not elaborate on the position of the company. He said everything had been resolved. "That has since been resolved and it is not going to be a serious problem since we paid up our dues. They (Zimra) were just collecting revenue," said Zhuwarara before switching off his mobile phone. However, sources from ZTV said the problems were worsened by a ban on adverts from companies considered "politically incorrect". "Adverts from Econet and PSI, for example, are not accepted on ZTV because the government associates them with the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). Imagine how much the television station could rake in from these organisations alone," said a source.
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From Reuters, 3 October
Zimbabwe services failing and dangers lurk
By MacDonald Dzirutwe
Harare - Five-year-old Zimbabwean Felicita Munyoro fiddles with a soda can as she plays with friends, then bends to fill it with the murky contents of a burst sewage pipe flowing past her house, oblivious to the foul smell and the health dangers that lurk. Across town in the capital Harare's leafy suburb of Borrowdale, Takunda Hove has woken up early for the sixth day in a row, in order to drive early to work and use the shower facilities because the water tap at home has run dry. "I have children here and I worry every day about the possibility of a disease outbreak in the neighbourhood. I don't know if these problems will ever be sorted out," says the 37-year-old father of three. Hove plans to drill a borehole on his property, a luxury that the majority of poverty-stricken urban dwellers, like Felicita's parents, cannot afford. Frequent water cuts force them to trudge to neighbouring areas in search of a piped supply, while others resort to hazardous wells and streams.
In Harare, authorities recently announced 18-hour daily water cuts in most residential suburbs, blaming the cuts on a decrepit main water pump station servicing the city. The water shortage is the latest scourge to hit Harare, once one of Africa's cleanest urban centres and dubbed 'the Sunshine City', but which like the majority of Zimbabwe's towns has seen a degeneration of basic services as an economic crisis bites. Urban councils, largely run by the main opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), say falling revenues and interference from President Robert Mugabe's government have left them ill-equipped to cope with growing populations. Built in then colonial Rhodesia to cater for a smaller population, Zimbabwe's urban infrastructure is creaking under the weight of hundreds of thousands of people who have flocked from the rural areas in search of jobs. Road potholes lie unrepaired for years while burst water and sewer pipes are common in most residential areas.
Japhet Ndabeni-Ncube, the MDC mayor of Zimbabwe's second city of Bulawayo and chair of all urban councils, says a government freeze on rates payments has crippled city budgets. Figures show that Bulawayo needs more than 360 billion Zimbabwe dollars for its 2004 budget, but will only be able to raise half the amount because of the rate freeze. "Since the freeze on rates we are suffering, we live from hand to mouth. We are now allocating the few resources on priorities so that services do not totally collapse," Ndabeni-Ncube told Reuters. "We are aware of the health threats posed by water cuts and the garbage that is sometimes collected only after a fortnight." MDC councillors see the rates freeze as a deliberate ploy by Mugabe's ruling Zanu PF party to woo back urban voters who blame the government for the country's economic problems and have largely rallied behind the opposition at elections since 2000. The government argues that rate hikes are no longer justified because the country's economy, grappling with one of the highest unemployment rates in the world is rebounding under a new monetary policy which has stabilised prices and the Zimbabwe dollar.
But most residents still have to contend with erratic water supplies as cash-strapped councils struggle to procure imported treatment chemicals while burst sewer pipes and mounting rubbish piles pose a serious health hazard. "This is not the image of a city we want in the 21st century," said Michael Davies, chairman of the Combined Harare Residents Association. "The threat of diseases like cholera is real not only in Harare but in all cities. Provision of vital services like water and rubbish collection are the bedrock of a city." With over 70 percent unemployment, unregulated street vending has mushroomed in most cities, often in areas without the necessary sanitary facilities like garbage bins. Last month the MDC announced it was withdrawing all of its councillors from the capital's municipality, saying the government had made it impossible to effectively run the city. But local government minister Ignatius Chombo blames the rundown state of Zimbabwe's cities on incompetence by an opposition party he says has failed to live up to the expectations of the electorate.
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From The Sunday Times (UK), 3 October
No escape for England as Zimbabwe boycott ruled out
With the investigation into racism in Zimbabwean cricket struggling to make progress, Michael Vaughan and his squad are destined to go ahead with the controversial tour, reports Simon Wilde
Talk of Fica, the global players' union, calling a boycott of Zimbabwean cricket has been dismissed as "very premature" by Tim May, the union's chief executive. His statement probably removes the last obstacle to England's tour of Zimbabwe going ahead next month. Fica, which has never discussed a boycott, will hold an extraordinary general meeting once the outcome of the International Cricket Council's (ICC) investigation into allegations of racial discrimination in Zimbabwean cricket has made its recommendations. But given the ICC inquiry's inability to cross-examine witnesses - it has had to be satisfied with receiving written statements from them - the chances of the Zimbabwe Cricket Union being condemned are slim. May played down the possibility that Fica might take matters into its own hands, saying it placed its trust in the racism investigation and the ICC to handle the issue properly. "I have never heard any talk of a player boycott of Zimbabwe cricket, and I think I might have done," he said. "It has never been discussed at Fica level. A lot of things would have to happen before that was considered. The panel in control of the investigation into racial discrimination needs to provide a recommendation to the ICC before the executive board meeting in Pakistan (on October 16-17). From a Fica perspective, we're an interested party in that outcome, and if that outcome indicates racial discrimina- tion, then Fica's position would be that we'd want the ICC to act accordingly.
"We've been banging this drum continuously, because the ICC has as one of its core values in its strategic plan that the game must be free of discrimination, whether it be through religion, colour of skin or whatever. We expect the ICC to uphold its values. I have confidence that it will handle this case properly. "We have had several communications with the Zimbabwe cricketers. We are aware of the players' side of the story and are supporting the players. There's a high level of concern for the Zimbabwe cricketers as fellow professionals." May said he had not given up hope of some of the white "rebels" returning to the team. "I don't think it's remote that some play again. I have faith in processes, and proper processes typically bring about proper outcomes." Geoff Marsh, who has just returned to Australia after three years as Zimbabwe coach, said: "The whole thing is very sad. I would like to see all parties involved get all the players back playing again because at the moment there's too many good cricketers not playing for the country. Since the World Cup there's been many people, non-white and white, wanting to play the game, and it would be sad were it to continue falling from the heights it reached five years ago. It's sad that some of the England players are not going. They've obviously got their reasons."
Michael Vaughan's agent, Neil Fairbrother, said the England captain had never doubted that he would lead the tour: "He sees it as his responsibility. (Coach) Duncan Fletcher saw him as one of the players who needed rest, but Michael's view has always been that he must lead the side. He could not hand the job to somebody else. It's been said he accepted through gritted teeth, but I don't think that was the case." Fairbrother's comments support the contention of David Morgan, the England and Wales Cricket Board chairman, that it was always "understood" by the England management that Vaughan must lead the tour. Given that the England players have agreed to stick together as a team on the issue, it must be considered unlikely that - for all the inevitable soul-searching - any member of the 14-man squad will withdraw between now and their departure on November 15. Darren Gough has said there remains much to talk about in the next few weeks, but he conceded: "We have to send a team, so why pass the buck?"
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From the Sunday Mail, 3 October
Mujaji gets $40m and holiday package from President
By Phyllis Kachere
A New Year's holiday trip for himself, his wife and three children to Malaysia and $40 million from President Robert Mugabe and the First Lady, Amai Grace Mugabe. Another $30 million from the Ministry of Education, Sport and Culture, $20 million and a trophy from the Sports and Recreation Commission, and over $10 million from individual efforts. All these for winning a gold medal at the just-ended Paralympic Games in Athens, Greece, in the 100 metres sprint. Speaking at a ceremony to honour the country's Paralympic gold medallist, Elliot Mujaji, which coincided with the official opening of the Danhiko Paralympic Games in Harare yesterday, President Mugabe said Mujaji had brought honour to the country. "We want to say congratulations to you. We watched you on television and saw you win the race. Yes, we were with you, cheering you even though you could not hear us. We are proud of you," said President Mugabe. He said Mujaji's victory should serve as a reminder to all that whatever one does, one is not doing it only for oneself but for the country. "Whether you are in the office, cleaning up floors, playing soccer or swimming, you must remember that being Zimbabwean, and born of the soil, whatever you do, you do it for the citizens of this country," he said.
The President paid tribute to Mujaji and thanked him for bringing honour to the country and said people should acknowledge the existence of disability, as disability could come later into their lives. "Disability could be caused by accidents at work or even at home, but we must know that disability doesn 't mean inability. "Even persons with full senses, full limbs and with no sign of injury are not 100 percent efficient. We are all only partially efficient," he said. Describing the limitations of human capabilities, President Mugabe said: "That is why we cannot do everything that can be done by a human being. We can only do certain things and not all things. We are able to pull in one direction but we cannot pull in all directions at one time," he said. After receiving the money Mujaji said it was a dream come true for him to sit next to the President. "I want to assure my fellow compatriots that there is indeed light at the end of the tunnel. After the accident in 1998 good things have started happening. I will be a role model for all the disabled athletes and I will be a good ambassador for my country," said Mujaji.
Officially opening the Games, patron Amai Mugabe said: "I view the Danhiko Annual Paralympic Games as a kind of homecoming that I always look forward to with anticipation. At the outset, I wish therefore to extend a deep sense of gratitude to every one who has been involved with the Games since 1997 and supported them at every step of the way." She also paid tribute to Mujaji for successfully defending his 100 metre gold medal and praised him for beating his previous best time of 11,33 seconds. "In congratulating Mujaji, I wish similarly to applaud the committed efforts of the Zimbabwe Sports Association for People with Disabilities. Against quite some formidable challenges, particularly of funding, the association has distinguished itself by giving confidence and motivation to people with disabilities," said Amai Mugabe. She singled out Delta Beverages for taking over the sponsorship of the Games from Chibuku Breweries, one of its subsidiaries, and said this year's Games had attracted better funding thanks to the seed money made available by the Government.
She appealed to corporate sponsors to fund the resurfacing of the racetrack and basketball court as well as the construction of an ablution block close to the sports fields. Welcoming participants from Botswana and Zambia, Amai Mugabe expressed hope that more participants from neighbouring countries would join next year's Games. "This year, 80 teams from schools and clubs, including our friends from Botswana, are attending. Our hope remains that of attracting participation from a bigger number of countries in the Sadc region," she said. Amai Mugabe said all the 2 000 participants would receive $50 000 each for participating in the Games plus other special prizes for the winners. As a token of appreciation from Mujaji, the First Lady received a T-shirt with his image while on the track at Athens. Those who attended the ceremony included Education, Sport and Culture Minister Cde Aeneas Chigwedere, Health and Child Welfare Minister Dr David Parirenyatwa and Zimbabwe Olympic Committee president Mr Paul Chingoka.
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From News24 (SA), 3 October
Clerics call for defiance
Harare - Zimbabwe's seven Catholic bishops on Sunday denounced state media control, while ecumenical Christian groups called for outright defiance of planned laws curbing charity work in the impoverished African country. The bishops sent a pastoral letter to churches on Sunday demanding a "credible electoral process" and peaceful campaigning ahead of March elections. And they warned against propaganda, favouritism and discrimination against dissenters, including the main opposition party. In a separate move also seen as a crackdown on dissent, the government proposed criminalising charity work done without a government permit, and banning charities and private groups focusing on "issues of human rights and good governance" from receiving foreign funding. The bill comes before parliament on Tuesday. "It is important that all political parties have access to media coverage so that they can inform citizens about how they intend to govern if they are elected," said the bishops, who claim 2 million followers in Zimbabwe, including President Robert Mugabe. Information minister Jonathan Moyo said the government would deny media access to the "disloyal" opposition, and ignore Southern African Development Community rules on election conduct, the state-run Sunday Mail reported. "When a political party has no loyalty, then it should not expect to be treated fairly," the paper quoted Moyo as saying. "Unless and until we have a loyal opposition, it will not be possible for them to have access to the public media."
International observers have rejected the ruling party's victories in the 2000 parliamentary election and 2002 presidential election as illegitimate, citing widespread allegations of rigging and intimidation. Christian groups say the government's new efforts to limit charity work jeopardise crucial relief work in the country, where the United Nations says about 2 million people may need food aid before March. Roman Catholic Archbishop Pius Ncube of Bulawayo has accused Mugabe of planning to use food to buy votes. The Christian groups urged Zimbabweans to reject the proposed bill, calling it a "vain attempt by the ruling party to usurp the place of God." "If what we do in obedience to our Christian calling makes us criminals in Zimbabwe, so be it," said a joint statement signed by the Bulawayo diocesan branch of the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace and two inter-church bodies - Christians Together for Justice and Peace, and Solidarity Peace Trust. "This bill has a deeply sinister purpose, to disable all NGO's which the ruling party perceives to represent a threat to their continuing brutal hold to power," it said. The government has said food aid is unnecessary, due to a bumper 2.4 million maize crop this year. UN agencies say, however, the harvest yielded less than 900 000 tons.
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From Sapa, 3 October
Police confirm eviction of Zimbabwe settlers
Harare - Zimbabwean authorities were on Sunday continuing to drive off thousands of people occupying former white-owned farms they invaded under President Robert Mugabe's land grab scheme in 2000. For the last three weeks , paramilitary police have raided scores of farms in once-productive white commercial farming areas, evicting settlers and burning down their homes. Police spokesperson and Assistant Commissioner Wayne Bvudzijena was quoted as saying that the evictions were part of a programme seeking to regularise resettlement patterns in the farming areas. "Some of them illegally resettled themselves on the farms and we are now working in conjunction with the land task teams (local committees of Mugabes ruling Zanu PF party) to evict them," he explained. "We are moving in countrywide as a way of trying to normalise the resettlement patterns," he added. The mass evictions are seen as a dramatic reversal of the government's land reform policy, denounced internationally as violent, illegal and chaotic. The forced removal of white farmers was followed by the collapse of the country's robust agriculture-based economy and the country is forecast to be entering a third consecutive year of famine. Thousands of people have camped at the roadsides, sheltering with their belongings. All those interviewed said they had been there since 2000 when Mugabe launched his revolutionary land reform programme which urged blacks to help themselves to white-owned land. The state-controlled Sunday Mail newspaper said that violence broke out on Saturday when police met with resistance from settlers after they descended on four farms just east of Harare. The 2000 land-grab was widely seen as a bid by Mugabe to regain sinking popularity ahead of parliamentary elections that year, which Zanu PF won with a narrow majority in the 120-seat parliament.
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From The Daily Mirror, 4 October
Dairy farm invaded
Clemence Manyukwe
Suspected war veterans have invaded a dairy farm, Red Den, in the Beatrice commercial farming area south of Harare at a time when many people thought farm invasions had ended. The farm, situated along Marirangwe Road, is a partnership of four people - two whites and two blacks- and manufactures ice cream, cheese and butter. They bought the farm before 2000 when the land reform exercise kicked off. Yesterday, the four owners refused to give details of the incident, arguing that it might scuttle on-going negotiations to have them remain on the farm. The farm owners also pleaded against having the story published, s |
