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Archived News
6th April 2004
President Morgan Tsvangirai's Tuesday Message to the People of Zimbabwe
Merkel and Vaatz meet Zimbabwean Opposition - Human rights debate this week in Parliament
Proposed Amendments to Electoral Act Signify Another Step In The Wrong Direction
Three held over deal with alleged mercenaries
Justice denied
Another Rape At Charleswood Estate In Chimanimani
MDC forecasts Zim chaos
Zimbabwe tobacco profits dropping sharply
Panning to live as Zimbabwe's mining industry falls apart
Zimbabwe crisis spills over border
ECB caught between a rock and a hard place
MDC might boycott Zim elections in wake of 'rigging'
Shot activist a presidential relative
IMF statement on the conclusion of 2004 Article IV consultation discussions with Zimbabwe
Paradza tribunal kicks off Monday
Lawyers of 'mercenaries' lodge complaint of assault
Makamba fails to get bail again
Zimbabwe's young Robin Hoods arrested
ICC: Safety only concern about Zimbabwe tour
Threatened ECB hint at Zimbabwe U-turn
Zimbabwe boycott could cost £50m
Parliamentary honour for Zimbabwe reporter
Newspaper keeps skeleton staff for the future
UN children's agency appeals for $124 million
Harare's mining equity plan chills investors, halts ventures
The world vs. Robert Mugabe
Knives out for Prof Moyo
Mercenaries saga: role of middle man emerges in arms deal
Vying for control of Zanu PF
BR reviews its deal with Zim
Unhappy Zim cricket captain walks
Mugabe will retire soon, say insiders
Mugabe to drop bombshell
South Africans tell of nightmare in Zim
Directors flee
It's now in the open - politicians are the ZCU's masters
Father of murdered Zengeza youth accuses minister
Mugabe again rules out talks with MDC
Mugabe land-grab advice
Jokonya kicks out new farmers
We will not return farmers' land, says MDC
Zanu PF wants Kuruneri probed
A visit to the fat-farm
Graft inquiry to probe Mnangagwa
Ploy to tarnish Moyo’s image - Ali arrested
Attacks on farm workers and their children must end now
More funds needed to cope with worsening conditions
Inside Zimbabwe Inc
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From News24 (SA), 30 March
MDC forecasts Zim chaos
Harare - Next year's general elections in Zimbabwe are likely to be characterised by chaos, the country's main opposition, which lost weekend by-elections to President Robert Mugabe's party, said on Tuesday. The ruling Zanu PF won a weekend parliamentary by-election that was marred by violence in Zengeza, on the outskirts of the capital. "Zengeza gave the people of Zimbabwe a foretaste of the chaos that awaits the nation in 2005," said Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). One opposition supporter was killed and others were injured during violent clashes between opposition members and the ruling party during polling. "An analysis of the Zengeza by-election shows that political competition here remains a bloody affair 24-years after independence," said Tsvangirai in a statement. Zimbabwe is due to hold its regular five-yearly legislative elections in March next year. "Zanu PF is prepared to kill and satisfy its hunger for power and oppression," alleged Tsvangirai. The US government has also condemned the elections saying they were not free and fair. In a statement, the US State Department said what should have been a "routine and peaceful expression of the local constituency's political will ... became another symbol of the ruling party's pursuit of electoral victories at the expense of democratic rights". "We condemn the violence, intimidation and irregularities that occurred prior to and during the ... by-election," said the US government. The MDC has threatened to boycott next year's polls unless certain conditions are met to level the playing field. Its demands include the repeal of parts of the media law and aspects of the security law that "curtail the freedom of political parties to campaign". It also wants the establishment of "a genuinely independent electoral commission" responsible for the entire electoral process. The government plans to tighten electoral laws to give the state-appointed electoral supervisory commission the monopoly to conduct voter education.
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From VOA News, 30 March
Zimbabwe tobacco profits dropping sharply
Zimbabwe's annual tobacco auctions began Tuesday with the smallest crop on offer in many years. Tobacco was Zimbabwe's main foreign currency earner, but this year it will bring in less than 25 percent of what it earned five years ago before most commercial farmers were evicted from their land. Officials on the sales floors around Harare report that prices were firm on the first day of the annual sales, and slightly higher than last year. This year's estimates are that a maximum of 65 million kilograms will be available for sale. Since 2000, when President Robert Mugabe said white farmers' land should be handed over to black Zimbabweans, three quarters of the growers have been forced, often violently, to leave their farms. The land reform program gave the farms mainly to Mr. Mugabe's political supporters, most of them without the skills or financing to make the farms work. Even the state-controlled Herald newspaper on Tuesday lamented the fall in production, and said new farmers, now in possession of most formerly white owned land, have not been able to restore tobacco yields because of a shortage of agricultural inputs.
Duncan Millar, the president of the once-powerful Zimbabwe Tobacco Association, confirmed that white tobacco farmers continue to be evicted. He says the crop size will continue to decline, in part because of the high cost of production. Mr. Millar says even good prices at this year's auction sales would be below cost, and that he could not predict how many skilled tobacco farmers would be growing a crop next season. He added that these tobacco auctions were brought forward by a month to assist farmers suffering from high interest rates on money borrowed to grow the crop now going on sale. The Tobacco Association has a quarter of the members it had before 2000, including a growing number of established black growers. Mr. Millar says at Zimbabwe's peak, growers could irrigate 30,000 hectares of tobacco. Now, he says so much irrigation infrastructure has been vandalized and stolen Zimbabwe is now only able to grow seven thousand hectares of irrigated tobacco, which provides the best yields. For decades, the start of the tobacco auctions was a day when the country celebrated, because it heralded the start of annual inflows of a quarter of the annual foreign currency. This year, it was a low-key event at the auction floors, as the crop's earnings will hardly be noticed in Zimbabwe's deepening economic crisis.
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From Business Day (SA), 31 March
Panning to live as Zimbabwe's mining industry falls apart
The riverbeds around Gwanda in southwest Zimbabwe are disfigured by mounds of earth dug up by people panning for gold. On the hillsides, areas are pockmarked with the evidence of illicit mining: deep trenches newly excavated; abandoned pits reopened. Hundreds of people often women and children work a patch, day and night; using picks, shovels and paraffin lamps made from bottles. They clamber down disused shafts on improvised ladders of barbed wire. You would not call this a bonanza; rather a search driven by desperation. The gold-seekers, a phenomenon usually associated with African states poorer than Zimbabwe, represent the underside of the country's economic wreckage in the latest phase of Robert Mugabe's 24-year presidency. While the country's established gold industry struggles to keep going, up to 1-million Zimbabweans, according to mining industry experts, are now engaged in panning. Despite a recent crackdown on contraband gold exports and a government offer of premium prices for small producers, industry experts believe a large proportion is smuggled out of the country. There is unproved speculation about involvement by government figures. This is happening at a time when Zimbabwe depends more than ever on the mining industry principally platinum, gold and chromium to earn foreign exchange. Chaotic land reform has devastated the country's agricultural export economy. Production of tobacco, long the top export earner, has plummeted. Official gold output has also fallen, reduced by more than 50% since 1999 to slightly more than 12 tons last year. Ian Saunders, president of the Chamber of Mines of Zimbabwe, says it has been overtaken by illegal output, maybe another 18 tons, worth about 230m on the world market.
Gold companies have been battling against soaring inflation, now running at an annual rate of more than 600%, and crippling government conditions. Saunders says the government "seems to be listening". But some big mining houses have already been moving out of Zimbabwe. Lonmin, formerly Lonrho, sold its five gold mines in 2002 to Mzi Khumalo, a South African entrepreneur, for what was considered a knockdown price of $15,5m. Rio Tinto has reduced its gold operations to one mine. And now Zimbabwe's former top producer, Falcon Gold, based in Bulawayo, is threatening to close its entire operations, warning that it "will not survive the year under the current gold revenue regime". Andrew "AB" Beattie, its MD, says it has stopped all development at its mines and is living "from hand to mouth" after seeing all cash resources eaten by inflation. It has put a fifth of its workforce on compulsory leave. Falcon Gold's troubles were further accentuated recently when the company and Beattie were arraigned on charges of illegal exchange dealings. All gold in Zimbabwe is supposed to go through the central bank. Its banknote-printing arm, Fidelity Printers and Refiners, acts as sole buyer for gold and processes it for export. Big producers are entitled to receive half the value of their gold in foreign currency to pay for immediate supplies including fuel and electricity. Another quarter is converted into Zimbabwe dollars at the official rate of Z$824 to the dollar. The remainder is paid at a more realistic variable rate, currently about Z$4200. Mining companies complain that by using the official rate the government is simply taking part of their revenue, in addition to a new 3% royalty being levied since January. Without that drain on their income, prospects might still look good. The dilemma for owners is whether to continue spending money on developing and exploring for new ore reserves or take the easier alternative of "killing" their mines, removing the already accessible deposits and then shutting them.
Unusually for African mining, Zimbabwe's gold industry involves dozens of middle-sized companies. Up to now these have proved sufficiently cost-effective to make lowgrade deposits viable. This industrial fabric is now under threat. Costs have spiralled out of control. Duties payable on dollar-denominated imports have risen more than 7000% since December because of changes in foreign exchange rules. To curb contraband, the authorities now buy gold from small claimholders at Z$60000/g, more than the world market price and three times the local currency price available to larger companies. The money is paid in bearer cheques temporary high denomination tender that Zimbabwe began issuing last year when bank notes began to be in short supply. But a lot of gold has stayed outside official channels. A panner digging illegally for ore in shallow veins of quartz can count on obtaining a gram in a day or two and selling it to a middleman for Z$40000, enough to survive minimally for maybe three weeks. As Zimbabwe's crisis rumbles on, damage done to this and other sectors of the economy, once one of Africa's strongest and most broadly based, seems more likely to be permanent. Moves towards political conciliation in preparation for a post-Mugabe government which could clear the way for a large foreign aid programme and a new economic strategy to go with it are proving more difficult than many hoped. "The longer we go down the road we're going, the longer it's going to take to come right," says one mine manager. "Really, we're in free fall now," says another, "and it's hard to know how to stop it".
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From BBC News, 30 March
Zimbabwe crisis spills over border
By Barnaby Phillips
Out in the flat, featureless bush, on the outskirts of Francistown, near the Zimbabwean border there is a bleak Botswanan prison. It is a collection of brick houses surrounded by high fences topped with barbed wire. But it is clean and, so far as I can tell, a humane place. It only opened in 2002, specifically to host illegal immigrants. There are people from all over Africa here - the Democratic Republic of Congo, Somalia, Rwanda. But, above all, there are Zimbabweans. Very few of them are political activists appealing for asylum. They are simply ordinary people - men and women - ruined by their country's economic collapse, who came to Botswana to try and find work, and perhaps even send a bit of money back home. On the day I visited, there were 300 Zimbabweans in custody. "You should have been here in December", one official told me. "We had a big round-up of illegal foreigners in Francistown, and we brought in more than 4,000 of them."
On an average day, the Botswanan immigration authorities load about 100 Zimbabweans onto trucks, and drive them back to the border. Its an expensive, and probably futile exercise. Because all of the Zimbabweans I spoke to said that they would try and come straight back to Botswana. "In Zimbabwe there is just corruption. And there are no jobs. So of course I will come back; do you expect me to starve?" asked one. Many of the Zimbabweans are just teenagers - their young lives destroyed by events back home. One 16-year-old said: "My father was the foreman on a farm - but he lost his job - and then he could not afford to send me to school. So I came to Botswana, because here the currency is strong". The Botswanan prison staff sympathise with the Zimbabweans. "We have to do our job and expel those without papers. But of course we know why they come here. Life over there is too hard," said one official. And he pointed to a thin teenage boy getting on board the truck which is bound for the border. "That one has been here three times already this month."
Zimbabwe's crisis is affecting all of southern Africa, and neighbouring Botswana is on the frontline. Botswana has a small population- less than 2 million - and it is a tightly-knit, conservative society. Now it is feeling overwhelmed by the influx of Zimbabweans. "There are now more Zimbabweans in Botswana than there are Botswanans", one government official told me. She is wrong, of course, but the sentiment that Botswana is being swamped is a common one. Locals now refer to one part of the capital Gaborone as "little Harare" because of the dozens of Zimbabwean men and women who line the roads, begging passers-by for odd jobs, or "piece-work" as they call it. In a village outside Gaborone I met local chiefs who are not happy with the arrival of so many outsiders. "They rape, they steal, they cut people with knives", one old chief told me, pointing to a group of Zimbabweans sitting under a tree. "We never used to have these problems" he said.
Driving back to Francistown, we were given permission to visit the fence which the Botswanan Government is building along its border with Zimbabwe. By the time it is completed, probably later this year, it will run for 300 miles. Eight-feet high, and with an electric current on top, its costing the Botswanan Government about £2m. It is a delicate issue. Zimbabwe's High Commissioner in Gaborone has complained that the Botswanans are trying to build an African "Gaza Strip". But the Botswanans insist the fence is designed to stop animals, not people. "It's all to do with foot-and-mouth disease. We've had two outbreaks in recent years, and we can't afford another one," one agricultural official told me. Botswana exports its beef to the European Union and lucrative contracts have been disrupted by the outbreaks. The Botswanans suspect that on both occasions the disease came from Zimbabwe, where commercial cattle ranching has collapsed, and the movement of animals is no longer carefully controlled. So the fence ought to keep Zimbabwe's animals out of Botswana. But it will, no doubt, make it harder for many Zimbabweans to escape their country's tragic decline.
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From Wisden (UK), 31 March
ECB caught between a rock and a hard place
Wisden Cricinfo staff
David Morgan, chairman of the England & Wales Cricket Board (ECB), and David Stewart, the board's chairman of finance, have arrived in Barbados ahead of Thursday's third Test. Although the pair are ostensibly on holiday, the cricket won't be the only thing on their minds. During the match, they will be holding informal discussions with their West Indian board (WICB) counterparts over England's planned tour of Zimbabwe. The decision on whether the tour will go ahead was due last week but, as expected, was again delayed. The latest rumours are that it might be early May before anything is decided. The longer it is put off, the greater the flack the ECB attracts from those who accuse it of having double standards. But Morgan admits that cancellation and that is till the odds-on favourite could cost English cricket something in the region of £5 million in fines and consequential losses. The underlying fear is that the punishment could go further than a monetary hit the ICC might also consider suspending England. There is a growing feeling of resentment with the ICC fuelled by one or two senior figures with thinly-veiled agendas based largely on self-interest and the longer this affair drags on, the more the position of those individuals strengthens.
England's cancellation of the tour would probably lead to retaliation from the Indian board led by Jagmohan Dalimya, an outspoken critic of the ECB's self-proclaimed moral stance in the form of it calling-off the three-match one-day series due to take place in England shortly before the ICC Champions Trophy. Two of those matches are already sold out, and Stewart warned that the consequences would be "dire". The only thing that would get the ECB off the hook would be for the government to step in and issue a directive that England shouldn't tour.. There are no signs that it has any intention of doing so, although further talks are planned with Foreign and Commonwealth and Sports, Media and Culture departments in the coming fortnight. Meanwhile, Morgan and Stewart will be keen to sound out the view of the WICB during their stay in Barbados. Things might be going well for England on the field, but off it the storm clouds are growing darker by the day.
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From The Star (SA), 31 March
MDC might boycott Zim elections in wake of 'rigging'
By Basildon Peta
Zimbabwe's main opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change, is considering a boycott of all future elections after losing what it considered a safe seat in a weekend by-election in Harare. The MDC's national executive committee - the supreme decision-making body - meets this weekend to review its defeat in the Zengeza parliamentary by-election in the Harare township of Chitungwiza. The ruling Zanu PF party's candidate, Christopher Chigumba, won with 8 447 votes, compared to 6 706 for the MDC's James Makore, a majority of 1 741. The results showed a massive turnaround from the general election in June 2000 when the MDC won with 14 814 votes to Zanu PF's 5 330 - a majority of 9 484. It also won all the other constituencies in Harare. Although the MDC had already been toying with the idea of boycotting the next parliamentary elections in March next year, it said the open rigging of the Zengeza by-election had added impetus to the need to make a final decision. "We will make a decision on whether to participate in any elections from now onwards unless the electoral regime is totally overhauled," said MDC spokesperson Paul Themba Nyathi.
The by-election became necessary when the MDC's Tafadzwa Musekiwa, who won the seat in 2000, fled to the United Kingdom after facing several death threats. The US State Department condemned violence, intimidation and irregularities in the by-election, saying in a statement that the vote could not be considered free or fair. It said conduct of the election raised doubts about prospects for upcoming national elections."It became another symbol of the ruling party's pursuit of electoral victories at the expense of the peaceful expression of democratic rights," it said. "For future elections to be free and fair, the Zimbabwe government must act now to regularise the political environment," it said. US Embassy officials were among independent observers who monitored the poll. The independent Zimbabwe Election Support Network reported that heavily armed troops and police had been deployed in the district while Zanu-PF militants had established bases in Zengeza and camped outside polling stations to intimidate potential opposition voters. An MDC supporter was shot dead and dozens were injured on polling day on Sunday, which was conducted by an electoral supervisory commission handpicked by President Robert Mugabe. Eyewitnesses said the shot that killed Francis Chinozvima (22) was fired by minister without portfolio and Zanu PF commissariat secretary Elliot Manyika. Police have confirmed the death but made no arrests.
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From SW Radio Africa, 31 March
Shot activist a presidential relative
Robert Mugabe has apparently ordered an investigation to determine who shot the MDC activist in Zengeza on Sunday. It turms out the young man, apart from being an MDC activist is reported to be also a relative of Mugabe's.
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From The IMF, 31 March
IMF statement on the conclusion of 2004 Article IV consultation discussions with Zimbabwe
A staff team from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) visited Harare from March 17-31, 2004 in connection with the annual Article IV consultation between the IMF and Zimbabwe. The purpose of the visit was to hold discussions with the Zimbabwean authorities on the economic situation and macroeconomic policies. The staff team also met with representatives of civil society, such as NGOs, the business and financial communities, political parties, and trade unions, as well as the diplomatic community.
Zimbabwe's economy has experienced a sharp deterioration in the last five years. Real GDP has declined by about 30 percent, and is still contracting. Inflation doubled in each of the last three years to reach 600 percent at the end of 2003. This has had dire social consequences: unemployment is high and rising, poverty has doubled since 1995, school enrollment declined to 65 percent in 2003, and the HIV/AIDS pandemic remains largely unchecked. While this in part reflected exogenous shocks, such as inclement weather, structural changes in agriculture related to the way in which the land reform was implemented negatively affected agricultural production. In recognition of Zimbabwe's grave food shortages, foreign donors have provided large amounts of humanitarian aid, but other donor assistance has been curtailed because of concerns over governance issues.
Economic policies have not adequately addressed the difficulties. In particular, loose monetary policy intensified inflationary pressures and has left interest rates highly negative in real terms, imposing a heavy tax on savers, encouraging excessive borrowing, and increasing financial sector vulnerability. Excessive liquidity growth led to a flight to alternative assets that contributed to record increases in real estate and stock prices, hoarding of goods, and the depreciation of the parallel exchange rate. Exports suffered because of the uncompetitive official exchange rate, and official imports were severely constrained. However, reflecting strong performance in the last quarter, budgetary operations of the government were almost balanced in 2003. This was due to higher sales tax collections after the mid-year liberalization of most prices, including fuel, and the further compression of expenditure in real terms, including wages.
The staff team welcomed some of the steps taken in the 2004 budget, the December Monetary Policy Statement, and subsequently, the efforts to strengthen banking supervision. It encouraged the authorities to accelerate and broaden these efforts. Among the recommendations discussed were:
The importance of a commitment to consistently focus monetary policy on taming inflation and reducing pressure on the exchange rate, taking into account the vulnerability of the banking system.
The need to gear fiscal policy to support monetary tightening.
Use of the exchange rate decisively to reinvigorate exports and contain import demand.
And, restarting tripartite discussions on Zimbabwe's economic challenges in a concerted and comprehensive way involving all social partners.
While Zimbabwe's arrears currently preclude access to IMF lending, further strong policy efforts would be an important signal of Zimbabwe's determination to address its serious economic difficulties. Such efforts would also begin to lay the basis for regularizing Zimbabwe's arrears to the IMF (US$290 million at end-February 2004) and other creditors. The staff team welcomed the authorities' recent payments to the IMF of US$6 million, and the renewed commitment to make further small quarterly payments of US$1.5 million. The IMF's Executive Board will closely examine the progress made on policies and payments when it considers the Article IV consultation report and the issue of Zimbabwe's overdue payments to the IMF in early July.
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From The Financial Gazette, 1 April
Paradza tribunal kicks off Monday
Acting News Editor
The tribunal to probe allegations of misconduct by suspended High Court Judge Justice Benjamin Paradza begins at the five-star Sheraton Harare Hotel on Monday. Paradza’s lawyer, Jonathan Samkange, confirmed the trial date and proceedings to be chaired by Justice Dennis Kamoni Chirwa of Zambia. He will be assisted by two other judges, namely Justices Isaac Mtambo of Malawi and John Mroso from Tanzania. "The trial starts on Monday at the Sheraton," Samkange said. "The state does not want the case to interfere with the day-to-day operations of the courts, that is why it is being held at the Sheraton." President Robert Mugabe, whose government is currently under the international spotlight for alleged intimidation of the judiciary, swore in the trio on Monday. In an unprecedented move in the history of the judiciary in Zimbabwe, Paradza, a former freedom fighter, was arrested while in chambers on February 24 last year on allegations of trying to influence Justice Maphios Cheda in Bulawayo to release the passport of his alleged business partner, Russell Wayne Luschagne, through the court registrar. The travel document was being held by the court as part of Luschagne’s bail conditions in a murder case in which he was accused of killing fisherman Wilson Mudimba he had caught poaching. Luschagne was later convicted of murder with constructive intent and sentenced to an effective 15 years in prison. Paradza’s arrest sparked outrage and widespread condemnation from his colleagues and 10 High Court judges queried the constitutionality of his arrest, challenging the manner in which the case had been handled.
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From SABC News,31 March
Lawyers of 'mercenaries' lodge complaint of assault
Lawyers have laid a complaint with Zimbabwe's prison authorities after eight South African detainees said they were assaulted in their cells at the maximum security Chikurubi prison on Monday. The men are part of a group of 70 South Africans arrested at Harare International earlier this month and accused of being mercenaries on their way to overthrow the government of Equatorial Guinea. The lawyers of the South African detainees says their clients were escorted back to their cells after their appearance and forced to stripped and all their possession were thoroughly searched. The lawyers say their clients were then assaulted and poured with water over their naked bodies. According to the lawyers, prison conditions in Zimbabwe are not conducive to healthy standards and most of cells are over crowded. The alleged mercenaries have apparently made arrangements for food parcels to be sent to them from South Africa. The Zimbabwean authorities are investigating the assault allegations.
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From The Financial Gazette, 1 April
Makamba fails to get bail again
Staff Reporter
Prominent Harare businessman James Makamba’s latest bid to regain freedom was yesterday thrown out by the High Court, which ruled that the businessman-cum-politician could skip the country if released on bail. The court ruled that Makamba was likely to skip the country because of the amounts involved in his case. He is being accused of externalising US$2 117 444, 3 773 650 pounds, Euro 24 413 29, ZAR 14 977 996 and DM 16 000 into various foreign accounts in Europe and South Africa. Denying Makamba bail, High Court Judge Lawrence Kamocha said: "I am mindful of the presumption of innocence until proven guilty but in the event of a conviction, imprisonment is a certainty should applicant fail to repatriate the huge sums involved." He continued: "There is a real danger that if the applicant has the capacity to repatriate such huge sums of hard currency there is great temptation for him to abscond and live outside this country on those monies for the rest of his life. It therefore seems to me that on this ground, the applicant is not a suitable candidate for bail. I would, in the result, dismiss his application."
The judge had earlier lambasted the State for not acting bona fide, saying that one moment it said the investigations were complete and the matter ready to go to trial as early as April. Yet the police had requested time to investigate the various accounts in question abroad. "There does not seem to be any fairness especially when it seems the State is acting mola fide. Why is the matter being set down when investigations are still in progress?" Kamocha pointed out in apparent reference to media reports that Makamba’s trial date had been set for June. Immediately after the ruling, Makamba’s lawyer, George Chikumbirike, sought leave to appeal to the Supreme Court, which Kamocha granted. Chikumbirike argued: "Your ruling is a matter of discretion … The Supreme Court might make a different decision … This is a matter of liberty which is very important." He queried the source of the figures in question if the State had not completed its investigations saying: "Where did they get that information? Where did the figures come from? The figures could have been exaggerated and if so, it would mean a different decision would have to be made." Makamba was arrested on February 9 this year and has been languishing in custody ever since while battling for his freedom through the courts. But unfortunately for the business tycoon, his fight was made tougher by the promulgation of the new Presidential Powers (Temporary Measures) (Amendment of Criminal Procedure and Evidence Act) Regulations of 2004.
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From The Cape Argus (SA), 31 March
Zimbabwe's young Robin Hoods arrested
Two Zimbabwean street children who stole Z$1000-million (about R800 000) used the money to buy food and clothes for other street kids before booking into a hotel, a newspaper reported on Wednesday. The two allegedly conspired with the accountant of a retail outlet who agreed to leave the day's takings on her desk and her office window open, the state-run Herald reported. One of the children used the money to buy food and clothes for himself and his friends before booking into a hotel. Both street kids and the accountant have been arrested.
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From Associated Press, 31 March
ICC: Safety only concern about Zimbabwe tour
Johannesburg - The International Cricket Council declined to take a moral position Wednesday on England's planned tour of Zimbabwe, saying the England and Wales Cricket Board's only concerns were about safety and security. Speaking after a meeting with the United Cricket Board of South Africa, ICC Chief Executive Malcolm Speed and President Ehsan Mani left the decision about the proposed tour firmly in the hands of the England cricket administration. Mani conceded there is a "large body of opinion" opposed to the England tour. "But it is up to politicians to make moral decisions," he said. "Our goal is for cricket to flourish, and in order for it to flourish the tour must go ahead." The ECB is under pressure to call off the tour owing to Zimbabwe's record of human right violations, which last year prompted England to boycott its World Cup first round match against Zimbabwe in Harare. A subsequent agreement saw Zimbabwe tour England for tests and one-dayers last year, and England is scheduled to return the visit in October-November. Threatened with a fine of up to US$2 million and suspension for calling off the tour, the ECB has postponed a decision while it reviews the legal position and discusses the issue with the players. The only issues raised by ECB chairman David Morgan at a recent meeting with the ICC were safety and security, Speed said. The ECB fears that an England tour could spark violence on the streets of Zimbabwe, and its players could be in danger. Australia and Sri Lanka are also scheduled to tour Zimbabwe later this year, but both those tours seem certain to take place. The ICC delegation was in South Africa to discuss hosting the Super Series between Australia, the world's test and one-day champion, and a team collected from the rest of the world. It is unclear when a decision will be announced. The ICC delegation travels to Harare on Thursday.
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From The Telegraph (UK), 2 April
Threatened ECB hint at Zimbabwe U-turn
By Simon Briggs
In what could be the first hint of a climbdown over England's autumn tour of Zimbabwe, the England and Wales Cricket Board yesterday invited three members of the Zimbabwean Cricket Union to attend their management board meeting at Lord's on April 20. The decision is best read as a diplomatic initiative, meant to convey to the Zimbabweans and the international community that the cancellation of the tour is far from being assured. Indeed, as ECB corporate affairs director John Read put it yesterday: "It's a much more open question than it was three or four weeks ago." If the ECB suddenly seem prepared to contemplate the tour - which most commentators have long viewed as a write-off - their change of stance owes much to the punitive sanctions introduced at an International Cricket Council meeting in Auckland on March 10. According to those new rules - which were tabled by Australia, much to the ECB's chagrin - any country who withdraw from a tour without citing either force majeure or specific safety and security concerns can be hit with a fine of at least $2 million, as well as possible suspension from the international game.
Some pundits have suggested that the threat of suspension is an empty one. England are too big a side, they say, for the game to get along without. But that argument provides little comfort for the ECB. Many at Lord's believe that the ICC will come under sustained pressure from the heads of other national cricket boards, notably Indian chief executive Jagmohan Dalmiya, to take a hard line on the issue. "When the ICC have specifically put these powers in place only last month," said one ECB source, "they may feel that if they refuse to use them, they will look either silly or weak." And whatever anyone might say about Malcolm Speed, the hardline ICC chief executive, he is neither of those things. Given that the ECB derive 90 per cent of their income from international cricket, any suspension would have crippling financial implications. And it is this threat that is causing sleepless nights at Lord's.
At the beginning of the year, the ECB were proudly trumpeting Des Wilson's "moral framework" document, which they believed could help them to locate and occupy the moral high ground. Now they appear to be more concerned with their own survival. The Government, in the person of Foreign Secretary Jack Straw, have encouraged the ECB to cancel the tour, arguing in a letter that, "the situation in Zimbabwe is worse today than it was during the World Cup last year". But at no stage have they provided the direct instruction that the ICC would interpret as force majeure. "It's asking a lot of any organisation to expect them to peer into the financial abyss," Read said yesterday. As for the Zimbabweans, ZCU chairman Peter Chingoka said: "There is no obstacle or legal reason why they can't tour Zimbabwe. It's in the interests of international cricket that these tours take place. The Zimbabwe players have a right to be playing against all the teams from across the world and the England players have the right to play in Zimbabwe. Let's make cricket our priority."
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From The Guardian (UK), 2 April
Zimbabwe boycott could cost £50m
Distrust of Lords widespread amongst African nations
Paul Kelso
Failure to tour Zimbabwe this autumn could cost English cricket £50m and derail London's bid to host the 2012 Olympics. The England and Wales Cricket Board faces intense pressure to withdraw from the tour because of human rights abuses by Robert Mugabe's regime. The British government opposes the tour, as do many key stakeholders in the game including players and the team sponsor Vodafone. The tour has been the subject of speculation since England withdrew from the World Cup fixture in Harare in 2003, but the implications of withdrawal have become more serious in the last year. A change to ICC regulations last month means that England could face a $2m (£1.1m) fine and suspension from international cricket for failing to meet their commitment to tour, made last summer when Zimbabwe toured England. The Champions' Trophy and a lucrative one-day tour by India could also be moved from England at a cost of around £9m. With 90% of its £55m annual turnover deriving from international cricket, the ECB estimates it could lose £50m from a one-year suspension with devastating effects for the game at all levels.
ICC sources indicate that the threat of suspension is being taken seriously at Lord's, where a majority of influential voices now feel a hugely unpopular tour is the least-bad option. The only option for a clean withdrawal appears to be for the ECB to persuade the ICC that the government has offered a "clear direction" not to tour, which is permitted by a force majeure clause in the ICC regulations. Thus far the government has only said it would not support the tour, claiming that it does not have the power to prevent it going ahead. It is also keen to avoid damaging the 2012 bid by alienating African nations. John Read, the board's director of communications, said: "The ECB is once again in an invidious position because of the utterly tragic situation in Zimbabwe. If we undertake the tour we will face condemnation from a number of key stakeholders in the game. If we don't go, however, and are unable to convince the ICC that the government's disapproval of the tour as voiced to date constitutes force majeure then we risk a fine of at least $2m, or worse. The ICC now has the power to suspend countries that breach touring regulations and ban us from international cricket. A one-year ban would cost the ECB tens of millions of pounds and would have a devastating effect on all aspects of the game including our ability to help nurture and develop the two million school-children that play cricket up and down the country. It is difficult to envisage a more serious scenario facing cricket in England and Wales."
The ECB is also coming under pressure from London 2012 to consider the implications of withdrawal. Bid leaders fear that bad feeling created by withdrawal could have a negative impact on London's chances of garnering votes among African IOC members. In Africa there is widespread distrust of the British government's approach to Zimbabwe. It was noted that no objections were raised to the presence of Zimbabwe at the 2002 Manchester Commonwealth Games because of the risk of an African boycott. Condemnation flowed, however, when cricketers proposed touring Zimbabwe. A London 2012 source confirmed there had been contact with the ECB, and that the potential "ripple effect" of the decision had been made clear. "It's not a red flag issue for us, but we're grown up enough to know that we are in the business of international relations," they said. Zimbabwe has no direct IOC vote, but ties between the cricket and Olympic bodies are strong. The Zimbabwe Cricket Union is a constituent of the Zimbabwe Olympic Committee, and the ZOC chairman is the brother of ZCU chief Peter Chingoka. The ZOC secretary-general Robert Mutsauki said yesterday: "We would hope England's commitment to tour Zimbabwe is fulfilled. The ZCU is an affiliate member of the ZOC and we will back them in all their endeavours."
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From The Scotsman (UK), 1 April
Parliamentary honour for Zimbabwe reporter
By Jon Smith, PA News
A Zimbabwean journalist was tonight named as the first winner of the Speaker Abbot award honouring reporters who seek to perpetuate and promote parliamentary democracy. Dumisani Muleya, 28, chief reporter of the Zimbabwe Independent, who has been imprisoned and threatened with his life by Robert Mugabe’s regime will receive his award later this month at Westminster from Commons Speaker Michael Martin. The award was inaugurated to mark the bicentenary last year of the House of Commons Press Gallery. It is named after the Speaker who first allowed reporters access to Commons proceedings, and is made to the journalist who is considered to have made "the greatest contribution internationally to the protection, promotion and perpetuation of parliamentary democracy". A citation to Mr Muleya from his proposers, SW Radio Africa an independent station run by a Zimbabwean and based in London said: "Due to repressive media laws, Mr Muleya’s job is made very difficult. However, he continues to report human rights abuses and highlight the problems that Zimbabweans face, despite threats from the regime." His citation said: "On a weekly basis he deals with general issues of repression, as well as almost daily human rights violations. Specifically, he wrote about the plight of farm workers in 2001 and as a result was arrested and charged. The case is still pending. Last month, he was arrested and charged, together with Iden Wetherell (editor), Vincent Kahiya (news editor) and reporter Itai Dzamara for writing about Mugabe’s commandeering of an Air Zimbabwe plane to holiday in the Far East." Dumisani said tonight: "I am delighted to win the first-ever Speaker Abbot Award. I believe this is a victory for the Zimbabwe media in general. The closure of the Daily News was a terrible blow and has really affected the morale of journalists. I dedicate this award to all the journalists of Zimbabwe who have suffered in the cause of democracy."
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From The Mercury (SA), 2 April
Newspaper keeps skeleton staff for the future
By Basildon Peta
Dozens of journalists on Zimbabwe's embattled Daily News lost their jobs on Thursday, months after their newspaper was shut down by the government. Sam Nkomo, Chief Executive Officer of the Associated Newspapers of Zimbabwe, publishers of the Daily News, said the firm had retrenched 157 of its staff. He said a small number of staff had been retained to kickstart the operation if the government were to allow it to resume publishing again. When the Daily News was banned in September 2003, its publisher vowed to keep workers on the payroll for another two years. But the management later said it could not pay the wage increases of up to 2 000 percent that workers had called for. "If they were willing to stay on their present salaries we would have paid them for another two years," said Nkomo. Inflation of more than 600 percent prompted the staff to seek rises.
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From the UN, 1 April
UN children's agency appeals for $124 million
Faced with a breakdown in essential health and education services in Zimbabwe and a growing number of orphaned and vulnerable children, the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) appealed to the international community for $124 million in humanitarian funding for the southern African country. The Appeal, known as the Consolidated Appeal Process (CAP), stresses that five years of deterioration in the social and economic sector have led to a serious humanitarian crisis. The Appeal is being extended from 2003 to December 2004. "We know that the brunt of this humanitarian crisis is being hardest felt by the country’s children, but especially the growing population of orphans, who are most likely to end up hungry, out of school and at risk of abuse," UNICEF Representative Festo Kavishe said. "If we do not respond, the price will be paid by these children, who deprived of an education, good health and emotional support, will be ill-equipped to cope in a world as adults."
With high levels of unemployment, more than five million people lacing a secure supply of food, and HIV/AIDS continuing to have a devastating impact, larger segments of the population are unable to afford or access health services and education, increasing their risk of disease, malnutrition, and destitution. Under the Appeal, UNICEF and its partners are calling for immediate assistance for emergency nutrition for high-risk communities and for strengthening the health system’s ability to respond to the outbreak of disease, particularly cholera and malaria, and to ensure the maintenance of immunization services for children. Other priority areas include repairing and building water facilities to provide access to safe water and sanitation and respond to the outbreak of water borne diseases, and funding for education where school fees and levies have increased, in some cases more than 2000 per cent, with more and more children dropping out. Priority will also be given to supporting those infected and affected by HIV/AIDS, strengthening the Prevention of Parent to Child Transmission and increasing prevention activities.
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From Business Report (SA), 2 April
Harare's mining equity plan chills investors, halts ventures
By Reuters
Harare - The Zimbabwean government's plans to give black people more ownership of mines had caused panic among investors, with some new projects being put on hold, the Chamber of Mines of Zimbabwe said yesterday. Harare is in talks with the mining industry over draft legislation that would require foreign mining firms to sell up to 49 percent of their operations in the country to local black people. It has called off a countrywide road show for input on the bill. In a statement published in the weekly independent Financial Gazette, Ian Saunders, the president of the chamber, said section 28 of the draft legislation had spooked investors. Section 28 of the draft says that for private companies to hold a mining title, 49 percent of the total shares must be held by "historically disadvantaged persons" within three years. The requirement is 25 percent for public firms. "Section 28, which deals with indigenisation of the industry, has caused considerable consternation among both current mine owners and potential new investors, both locally and abroad," said Saunders. "It has already been reported to the chamber that new projects have been put on hold, primary and secondary listing partners have withdrawn from future financing activities and existing mines may soon develop a 'wait and see attitude' before embarking on expansions," he said.
Foreign mining companies with projects in the country include Impala Platinum (Implats), the world's second-largest platinum producer, which is based in South Africa and has an 82 percent stake in Zimbabwe Platinum Mines (Zimplats). Implats executives told Amos Midzi, Zimbabwe's mining minister, yesterday that the group was in favour of spreading the benefits of platinum mining in Zimbabwe, but needed a stable and practical set of regulations. Last week Implats said Zimplats held a special mining lease in Zimbabwe that appeared to exempt it from the proposed legislation. Other mining firms with projects in the country include Australia's Aquarius Platinum, Ghana's Ashanti Goldfields and Anglo American Platinum, which is engaged in a $90 million (R567 million) platinum project in Zimbabwe's Midlands province. "The chamber would like to assure its members ... and the international investment community that it is earnestly involved in discussions with the government on this and a broad range of other issues that will hopefully see an operating and fiscal regime that is conducive to predictable stable growth in the country," said Saunders. "In saying this, the chamber urges all the participants in the Zimbabwean mining industry... to continue to believe and invest in the Zimbabwean mining industry."
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Comment from The International Herald Tribune, 1 April
The world vs. Robert Mugabe
Mark Ellis
If we are sincere in pursuing Saddam Hussein and his fallen regime for abusing their citizens and committing acts of state terror, we must also look honestly at Zimbabwe. When atrocities are committed in accordance with state policies that either sanction or turn a blind eye to systematic human rights abuses, those who ultimately authorize such acts must be held accountable. Robert Mugabe, president of Zimbabwe, is one of those people.
The gap continues to widen between international guarantees of human rights for the people of Zimbabwe and the living reality of the abuse they endure. The government's grave attacks against its citizens show an increasingly desperate president undermining human rights and the rule of law in order to maintain power. This systematic oppression of an already impoverished people is being supplemented by a widespread government policy of subverting the press, the judicial system and the economy. The end result is a country in ruin. .Zimbabwe's annual inflation rate is over 620 percent and climbing. The unemployment rate exceeds 70 percent. The World Health Organization reports that one in four Zimbabweans is HIV positive; 4,000 of them die every week. The country's agricultural output has been so ravaged by the government's policies that Zimbabwe now has the highest number of citizens starving to death in Africa.
It is time for the UN Security Council to instruct the International Criminal Court (ICC) to initiate a preliminary investigation against Mugabe for crimes against humanity. No single act would more accurately reflect the purpose and importance of the ICC, nor give more hope to the victims of Mugabe's policies that he will not escape justice. .The ICC was established on July 1, 2002 as the first permanent international court to investigate and try individuals for the most heinous violations of international humanitarian law, including crimes against humanity. These include murder, enslavement, torture, imprisonment, rape, displacement and other inhumane acts of a similar nature that intentionally cause great suffering. The well-documented and mounting evidence of these crimes committed by Mugabe's government is staggering. Mugabe's atrocities are not limited to inflicting egregious pain on individuals. The ICC should be able to hold him accountable also for committing "other inhumane acts" under the statute. This would include the systematic and widespread policy of using food as an economic weapon. Interviews with a number of Zimbabweans reveal a nefarious government policy of manipulating the supply and distribution of international and government food aid. If a Zimbabwean does not possess a registration card from Mugabe's ruling party, then he or she cannot register for this life-sustaining grain.
There is a general misconception that the ICC does not have jurisdiction over acts committed by Mugabe in Zimbabwe. It is true that the ICC can exercise jurisdiction only over crimes committed after Zimbabwe has ratified the ICC Statute, which it has not done. Mugabe may think that by not ratifying the statute he is immune to the Court's jurisdiction. He is wrong. .There is an obscure but forceful provision in the ICC Statute that pointedly addresses the situation in Zimbabwe. Article 12(3) states in part that a state which is not yet a party to the statute "may, by declaration lodged with the Registrar, accept the exercise of jurisdiction by the Court with respect to the crime in question." Thus a post-Mugabe government could immediately accept the jurisdiction of the ICC and so sanction a full investigation and indictment of Mugabe for crimes he committed since July 2002. .Under the ICC Statute, the UN Security Council could already authorize the court to immediately investigate crimes committed by Mugabe. Such an investigation can occur even though Zimbabwe has yet to accept the jurisdiction of the court. Such an investigation would give a tremendous boost to the people of Zimbabwe. They would know that although Mugabe can manipulate and evade domestic justice, he cannot do the same under international law. Those who have been victimized would know that Mugabe will be held accountable for his actions.
A fundamental tenet of the ICC is the repudiation of impunity for those who commit gross violations of international law. Thus the failure to deter these types of violations is not a result of the absence of law, but rather of a failure of political will to curtail these violators. By initiating a preliminary investigation against Mugabe, the UN Security Council and the ICC would send a clear and strong message: Justice is not expendable; there will be no impunity for Robert Mugabe.
Mark Ellis is executive director of the International Bar Association
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From The Herald, 3 April
Knives out for Prof Moyo
Daggers are out for the Minister of State for Information and Publicity in the Office of the President and Cabinet, Professor Jonathan Moyo, with some detractors frantically trying to soil him ahead of next year’s parliamentary elections. Zanu PF last month named Prof Moyo as its candidate for Tsholotsho in the 2005 general elections. In the latest stunt in the smear campaign, some politicians have found an "illegitimate child" for him. Now 22 years old, the youth was dumped in Tsholotsho, Prof Moyo’s rural home, last week. Prof Moyo has denied fathering the youth. Some people, at the behest of a named senior politician, assisted the youth, Isaac Ntuthuko Mwedini, who is based in Kadoma, to go to Tsholotsho on Monday. Political analysts say this is part of a spirited attempt to derail Prof Moyo’s campaign in Tsholotsho. The youth said he was assisted by a senior member of a Government department to travel all over the country. Isaac said the person helped him travel from Kadoma to Harare, then to Jotsholo in Lupane and finally to Tsholotsho in a space of three weeks by organising warrants through the Department of Social Welfare. He also confirmed that the man also gave him money on several occasions to travel from one province to the other in his alleged quest to find his "father". A senior official in the Ministry of Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare said he could not understand why it had been easy for the youth to get travel warrants to travel "all over the country". "We only give warrants to destitutes and the elderly people who are deserving cases. This boy certainly did not deserve any warrants,’’ he said.
When Isaac arrived in Tsholotsho on Friday, he was met by another man who helped him locate Prof Moyo’s uncle, Mr Joram Ndlovu who was attending a Zanu PF meeting at Mvundlana. The Tsholotsho-based accomplice dragged a girl from the uncle’s house to help point out Mr Ndlovu to the youth. The involvement of the Government department has raised eyebrows and there was panic at its headquarters in Harare over the matter. Sources said it was hard to understand why the youth had to go to Tsholotsho instead of Harare where Prof Moyo spends most of his time. "Those assisting him have direct access to Prof Moyo and could have just walked into his office with the boy whom they have been running for the past month. Why come to Tsholotsho? This is just a smear campaign against Prof Moyo. Someone is trying to be funny somewhere and I am sure his/her motive is to tarnish his image and derail his campaign in Tsholotsho,’’ he said. However, sources said there was panic in Harare over the matter with senior officials claiming that the junior officials in that department had conducted the operation without their superiors’ approval. It is believed that an enquiry over the matter may soon be launched as the Government was worried about the developments.
The Chronicle tracked down the boy’s mother, Ms Irene Ali (41) at a house in Rimuka, Kadoma, who claimed in an interview that she met Prof Moyo in 1981 at Gobo Army Barracks in Silobela near Kwekwe. She said at that time Prof Moyo was a private in the army based at the barracks. Gobo Barracks was a facility for former freedom fighters formed soon after independence. The barracks were destroyed in 1983. Contacted for comment, Prof Moyo dismissed her story saying whoever is running the woman should have come up with a son "who looks like me", in the United States and not Silobela "as I have never lived in Silobela." "The time they are talking about I was in America. They should go to Los Angles and come up with some woman who will claim that I fathered her child, not Silobela or any part of Zimbabwe. They must find a barrack near Disney Land," Prof Moyo said. Despite the many inconsistencies in her story, the woman said she met Prof Moyo when she had gone to attend her grandmother’s funeral in Silobela. "Two months after dating I got pregnant. It was then that I moved from my uncle’s home where I was staying, to his uncle’s place. The uncle’s name was a Tshuma,’’ she said. Ms Ali alleged that she stayed there for about seven months while Prof Moyo was staying at the barrack.
When this reporter told her that Prof Moyo was never a soldier as she is alleging, she said she was not aware of that but admitted, however, that she never saw him putting on an army uniform. "During that time, one of his family members, a Mrs Moyo went to my parents in Kwekwe to pay ukangaziwe (money paid by the son-in-law to be known officially by his in-laws). Unfortunately, when I was seven months pregnant, he disappeared and we never heard from him until today. I then went back to my home in Kwekwe. Though I wanted to go back after giving birth, my parents barred me from doing so saying since he was now officially known he would obviously come for us,’’ said Ms Ali. She however, said when her child was about five years old, Prof Moyo wrote her a letter which was posted to Kwekwe but unfortunately she never saw it as she had moved to Kadoma. Ms Ali said according to her sisters who opened the letter, Prof Moyo was saying he was preparing to come and get her together with the son so that they could stay together as a family. But, she never laid her hands on this letter. Ms Ali said she raised Isaac with the help of her late husband. However, when Isaac was in Form 2 in 2000 they could no longer afford to pay for his education, a development which prompted him (Isaac) to demand the identity of his real father.
"Initially, I was reluctant to tell him, though I was going to at some later stage. I ended up telling him because some of my family members had hinted to him that Prof Moyo was his father. It was then that he started the search,’’ she said. Asked why her son was using Mwedini instead of Ali as his surname since she had acquired the birth certificate using her identification particulars, she said Mwedini was her totem though she does not use it. Isaac had initially said Mwedini was his stepfather’s surname. When the Chronicle news crew caught up with the young man in Tsholotsho on Monday evening, he admitted that he had been assisted by a Government official (name supplied) to get to Tsholotsho. He chronicled how the man had helped him get travel warrants and even given him money as bus fare and for food. He could not say why he was doing that, but it is believed the man was working in cahoots with Prof Moyo’s political detractors. "I have been wanting to talk to him since 2000 without success. I then thought of seeking help as I am here (in Tsholotsho) today because of them. I have been told that he is my father and I want him to assist me get a birth certificate and send me to school as well,’’ he said.
He said he dropped out of school when he was in Form 2 as his stepfather, who was constantly ill-treating him said he could no longer educate another man’s son. He said his stepfather’s behaviour had forced him to run away from home and stay with his mother’s friend. Ironically, his mother denied these allegations from her son saying her husband, who was working for a textile company in Kadoma died in February. Prof Moyo’s uncle, Mr Ndlovu, said Isaac’s issue was a mystery as the information he was giving was inconsistent and therefore hard to believe. He said his story was totally false especially considering the fact that he was conceived and born at a time when Prof Moyo was out of the country. "Jonathan (Prof) left the country with his mother in the mid 70s and only came back in 1983. How then did he father this child? Secondly, he was never in the army as alleged by the boy’s mother, so you see there is not a single element of truth in this whole story,’’ he said. He also said Prof Moyo’s mother is a Ndlovu not a Tshuma as alleged by the boy’s mother and that they do not have relatives who stay in Silobela. "My sister’s totem is Ndlovu just like I am and we don ’t have any relatives of the Tshuma totem. I don’t know what this woman is up to. She must sit down and think properly about her son’s father because it is definitely not Prof Moyo,’’ he said. Sources said when asked what he would do if Prof Moyo turned out not to be his father, the boy said: "Then my search will be over".
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From The Zimbabwe Independent, 2 April
Mercenaries saga: role of middle man emerges in arms deal
Dumisani Muleya
The state-owned Zimbabwe Defence Industries (ZDI)'s controversial sale of weapons of war to the 70 suspected mercenaries currently held in Harare deepened this week following claims that a local businessman facilitated the deal. Sources said businessman Martin Bird introduced alleged mercenary leader Simon Mann and his team earlier this year to ZDI chief executive Colonel Tshinga Dube. It is understood Bird connected Mann and his associates, who included Nick Du Toit, to Dube for negotiations about the arms deal. Du Toit is currently detained in Equatorial Guinea over allegations of planning a coup against President Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo. It is alleged Mann and his group were arrested in Harare on their way to Equatorial Guinea. Bird and Dube are said to be long-standing business associates. Sources said after Bird introduced Mann to Dube and other ZDI officials the deal was struck. ZDI official, Group Captain Hope Mutize, was involved in the deal which the state claimed last week in court was part of a well-orchestrated sting operation against the mercenaries. "Bird made it clear that while he did not want to be directly party to the arms deal, he wanted something for providing the contact with Dube and also for administering the transaction behind-the-scenes," a source said.
However, Bird yesterday denied being involved in the deal between ZDI and the mercenaries. He said although he knew Dube and Mutize he was not part of the arms deal. "Yes, I know Dube and I know Mutize but I don't know who Mann is. Of course, I have read about him in the newspapers but I have never met him," Bird said. "I don't know where this thing comes from. I have been asked about it by other people but I wasn't involved in anything like that. I don't worry too much about it because it's not true." Mutize referred questions to Dube who said he could not discuss the issue as it was sub judice. Mutize handled the transactions and payment for the arms, it is reported. The state prosecutor Mary Zimba-Dube last week said Mutize received a deposit of US$90 000 for the "dangerous weapons" which cost US$180 000 in total. ZDI, which supplies army uniforms, field equipment and ammunition, sold arms to the suspects without an end-user certificate. The arms included 61 AK-47 assault rifles and 45 000 rounds of ammunition, 300 offensive hand grenades, 20 PKM light machines guns and 30 000 rounds of ammunition, 50 PRM machine guns, and 100 RPG 7 anti-tank launchers and 1 000 rounds of ammunition. While the state has claimed that the deal was part of a trap to arrest the alleged mercenaries, questions have arisen about the role of ZDI in the capture of the accused and transparency of the operation insofar as the purported dummy sale of the weapons was concerned.
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Comment from The Mail & Guardian (SA), 2 April
Vying for control of Zanu PF
Thami Ka Plaatjie And Skhumbuzo Ndiweni
Zanu PF will be holding its elective national congress in December. It is this congress - it is hoped - that will settle the critical succession issue within this organisation and, by implication, the future president of Zimbabwe. But Zanu PF is constituted by various interest groups that are vying for control and eminence of the organisation. Added to this, is the fact that Zanu PF is a by-product of a marriage between two former Zimbabwean liberation movements, Zanu and Zapu, which had different political traditions and ideological affinities. Tribal affinities and regional sensibilities also play themselves out in this marriage since the Shona constitute the base for the former Zanu and the Ndebele are seen as a citadel for the former Zapu. These tribal differences are complicated by the fact that within the Shona people there are the majority Karanga, and the dominant Zezuru - from whom Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe comes and who are also positioning themselves for the control of the organisation.
There is a feeling among the former Zapu members that the opportunity has risen for them to take the leadership of Zanu PF. Zapu candidates for the leadership of Zanu PF are likely to include Vice-President and septuagenarian Joseph Msika, although his presidential candidacy may be ruled out by his age and health. Another Zapu candidate could be John Nkomo, the phlegmatic national chairperson of Zanu-PF and the third-most senior member of the organisation. Other candidates could include former home affairs minister and Zipra intelligence chief Dumiso Dabengwa, High Commissioner to South Africa Simon Khaya Moyo, and politburo member Joshua Malinga. By virtue of holding the position of national chairperson and having served in the Presidium, Nkomo is seen as best placed to be the next successor. Dabengwa has considerable support from the army and the war veterans. Moyo is seen as the natural follower to the late leader of Zapu, Joshua Nkomo, who gave him his political acumen. Moyo's rapport with political power in South Africa also stands him in good stead. Malinga, a former mayor of Bulawayo, is seen as a confirmed tribalist who always seeks to cater for the interests of the Ndebele people. He stands little chance of securing the position.
There are rumours circulating that if the succession debate in Zanu PF is not decided soon, former Zapu members may break away from the organisation as the longer it drags out the dimmer their chances of succeeding to the highest post in the land. Possible candidates for succession from within the ranks of Zanu PF include Emmerson Mnangagwa, secretary for administration and Speaker for Parliament; Sydney Sekeramayi, Minister of Defence; Didymus Mutasa, secretary for external relations; Nicholas Goche, Minister for Security; and retired general Vitalis Zvinavashe. Mnangagwa is viewed as the heir apparent since he is seen as a confidante of President Robert Mugabe. Their relationship dates back to Zimbabwe's struggle for independence. He wields considerable influence in the army and is seen as an astute politician who will not undo the gains of the land reform programme. His shortcoming is that he was seen as a driving force of the post independence onslaught on a Zapu base in what came to be known as the infamous Gukurahundi (wild storm). Zapu supporters were brutally pulverised during the attack. The fact that the United Nations identified him as being involved in the "illegal exploitation" of the natural resources of the Democratic Republic of the Congo to fund the Zimbabwean war effort in that country - and to enrich individuals - may count against Mnangagwa. Also, his knowledge of the economy is scant. A new leader will have to reinvigorate investor confidence and Mnangagwa may not be fit for such a task.
Sekeramayi enjoys the support of the Zezuru clan that controls much of the economic activity in the country. He is an ally of the first commander of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces, General Solomon Mujuru. The latter is a key political power broker whose influence in the army is only second to that of Mugabe. He is seen as flexible, of intellectual disposition and an astute diplomat. However, his role in the Gukurahundi, as the then minister of security, may count against him. Mutasa is a long-serving secretary for administration of Zanu who believes the time has come for a leader to be elected into a critical position from the Manyika people. Edgar Tekere, the former secretary general of Zanu who broke away to form the Zimbabwe Unity Movement, comes from Mutasa's Manyika clan. That Tekere has been welcomed back into the Zanu PF army provides more impetus to Mutasa's political ambitions. Goche does not command visible grassroots support - his Achilles heel. In fact, the likelihood is that he might give his support to Sekeramai. Zvinavashe commands the support of the crucial Masvingo province. He has inherited the largely Karanga constituency from the late vice-president Simon Muzenda. His struggle credentials are impeccable and he has the support of the war veterans.
Thami ka Plaatjie is former secretary general of the Pan Africanist Congress and senior manager for strategy and policy coordination at the National Development Agency, and Skhumbuzo Ndiweni is former Zanu PF, Bulawayo Province, secretary for publicity.
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From The Daily News (Botswana), 2 April
BR reviews its deal with Zim
Gaborone - Botswana Railways (BR) is pondering an arrangement that will relieve the National Railways of Zimbabwe (NZR) of the debt it owes BR. Reginald Ketshabile, acting BR general manager, told BOPA that the two organisations have agreed that BR should collect all freight charges for joint customers based in Botswana and Zimbabwe. In addition, BR will use NZR workshop facilities for major repairs of its wagons and locomotives. "Charges for such services will be used to relieve NZR of any indebtedness to BR," Ketshabile said. He, however, declined to disclose how much NZR owe BR "for business relations' reasons". "Prior to the new arrangement, the situation was such that the railways administration where freight originates collects all charges, and thereafter reconciliation carried out and any outstanding amounts paid by the owing railways." Ketshabile said Zimbabwe approached Botswana recently to re-introduce the passenger service between Francistown and Bulawayo. The two met in February and agreed that details of the proposal would be worked out during subsequent meetings. He explained that business between the two has never stopped.
"What happened is that after the opening of a new railway line between Bulawayo and Beitbridge in 1999, a lot of transit traffic that used to move through Botswana was diverted to that line. "This led to a drastic reduction in the business volumes moving between Botswana and Zimbabwe. The main reason for discontinuing (passenger service between Francistown and Bulawayo) was that it was not viable for both organisations." BR recorded an operating loss of P11.05 million in 2000/2001, P1.59 million in 2001/2002, and P4.6 million in 2002/2003. BR management continues to hold regular meetings with NRZ officials to discuss strategies to improve the performance of the two organisations, as well as operational issues that have an impact on service delivery. Ketshabile said it "makes business sense to do business in Zimbabwe because BR is a transport logistics provider," which depends on local importers and exporters for its business. "Some of the importers get their supplies from companies in Zimbabwe and some of the exporters sell their products to Zimbabwe-based companies," he said.
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From The Mail & Guardian, 3 April
Unhappy Zim cricket captain walks
Harare - Zimbabwe captain Heath Streak lost a battle of power with his national cricket body on Friday and resigned from all forms of the game. Streak was immediately replaced as skipper by wicketkeeper Tatenda Taibu, who will become the first black to lead Zimbabwe, and at 20, the youngest in Test history. Sri Lanka arrives in two weeks for a tour of two Tests and five one-day internationals. According to the Zimbabwe Cricket Union, Streak gave it an ultimatum to restructure the national selection panel or he would resign. The union rejected his demands, and Streak resigned from playing at all levels in the country. Streak wanted the panel trimmed from five members to four, and for all to have played first-class or Test cricket. He said he had no confidence in the teams being selected, and was also unhappy with the team management, led by coach Geoff Marsh. Streak was first appointed captain in 2000, but resigned when it affected his form. He was re-appointed in 2002. Since his debut in 1993, he has played 59 Tests and last month became the first Zimbabwean to take more than 200 wickets. He averaged 23 with the bat with one century against the West Indies last November. Streak also played in 183 one-day internationals. He has signed to play for Warwickshire in English county cricket this summer.
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From The Sunday Times (SA), 4 April
Mugabe will retire soon, say insiders
Sunday Times Foreign Desk
Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe will announce his retirement at a Zanu PF congress to be held in December, members of his inner circle say. "He will make a statement on his political future at the congress...We have to deal with the current political and economic challenges facing us head-on. This includes Mugabe's succession," a member of the Zanu PF politburo told the Sunday Times, on condition of anonymity. A Zanu PF central committee member said the congress would be "a watershed... because certainly it will be the last one that Mugabe will attend while he is still in power". The politicians' comments confirm statements made by Nathan Shamuyarira, an official spokesman for Zanu PF, who told a foreign journalist earlier this week that Mugabe was planning to step down. He later denied making such a statement, but a transcript of the interview, in the possession of the Sunday Times confirms, that he did make it. The transcript shows that Shamuyarira said Mugabe would announce his retirement plans at the congress. He also warned of "in-fighting" within Zanu PF if Mugabe did not resign. If Mugabe left office immediately after the announcement, Vice-President Joseph Msika would automatically take over and consolidate his grip on power, said Shamuyarira.
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From The Zimbabwe Independent, 2 April
Mugabe to drop bombshell
Dumisani Muleya
President Robert Mugabe is set to drop a bombshell by announcing his retirement plans during the ruling Zanu PF's crucial congress in December, a senior party official has said. Despite attempts to backtrack on his earlier statements last week, it has now been established that Zanu PF spokesman Nathan Shamuyarira did in fact say Mugabe would announce his future plans at the congress, which he described as "a defining moment" for Zimbabwe. He predicted some infighting among candidates. Reliable Zanu PF sources said Shamuyarira said if Mugabe left office immediately, Vice-President Joseph Msika - whom he said was not popular in parts of the country - would automatically take over and consolidate his grip on power. The sources said Shamuyarira told a visiting foreign journalist last week that once Msika took over it would be difficult to dislodge him because he would deal with anyone challenging him as "subversive". If Mugabe announced his retirement plans beforehand, Shamuyarira said, there would be "infighting" in Zanu PF between party chair John Nkomo and secretary for administration Emmerson Mnanangwa. He said Nkomo and Mnangagwa were clear frontrunners in the Mugabe succession race. He said Defence minister Sydney Sekeramayi, external affairs secretary Didymus Mutasa, and ex-Zimbabwe Defence Forces commander General Vitalis Zvinavashe were trailing. "We have Mnangagwa …he is one of the frontrunners in the situation and there is Mutasa…he is also one of the frontrunners … (and) there is (also) … Sekeramayi," he said. "Sekeramayi is quite strong also but there are other dark horses like Zvinavashe, the retired army commander. He is very political, and he is waiting in the wings. We have people of stature and ability who can walk into the shoes of Mugabe."
But Shamuyarira said the issue of who would come in hinged on how Mugabe left. "If Mugabe were to relinquish (power) today the likely successor will be Msika. He is not popular in many parts of the country but it will be difficult to oppose him if Mugabe left immediately because he would immediately hold the reins of power," he said. "He can use those reins to buy support from various people, he can make concessions...but he would make a good president also, he is presidential material." "Nkomo … I'd put him on par with Mnangagwa. He is also up and coming. But it depends very much on how Mugabe quits. If Mugabe at the December congress… says I'm quitting now, Msika will take over." Shamuyarira went further: "It will be very difficult for anyone to oppose Msika. (If anyone does that) he would say 'ah now you are being subversive'. But if he (Mugabe) says 'I will be retiring in a year's time'… then Msika will be out, the infighting will be between these, Mnangagwa and Nkomo, that's where the infighting will be. But the encouraging thing is that they are all men of substance."
Shamuyarira, a Zanu PF politburo member and former cabinet minister for nearly 20 years, is one of Mugabe's closest lieutenants. He is currently working on Mugabe's biography. He said the Zanu PF congress would be a political watershed for the country. "The issue is that the retirement of President Mugabe is done first by himself in his own decision and secondly (through) the decision of the supporters in Zimbabwe," Shamuyarira said. "What we don't like about the present situation is that it is outsiders who are calling for his retirement, and you know that is …unacceptable to us. They are not the ones who should decide as to when he should retire." He said people would be free to discuss Mugabe's succession at the gathering. "They will discuss it and he himself will insist on … guaranteeing the freedom of the people to express themselves. He has always been saying that people should discuss the question of succession openly and I think at that congress he will stress that even more and (say) to the people 'say your mind on this matter'. I think it will be open," he said. "So it will be an interesting a juncture because that will also be three months before the parliamentary election … it will be a defining moment for Zimbabwe."
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From The Weekend Argus (SA), 3 April
South Africans tell of nightmare in Zim
By Helen Bamford
Seven members of a South African expedition on the Zambezi river were arrested in Zimbabwe this week and spent two terrifying nights being interrogated by police on suspicion of terrorism. They were released only on Friday after intervention by a Cape Town law firm which was contacted by one of the nine expedition members. He had smuggled a cellphone in his shoe after they were arrested by Zimbabwean police at Mana Pools and taken about 250km to Karoi. The river expedition sponsored by Old Mutual, was supposed to be a safari adventure of a lifetime, plus a bid to bring attention to the devastating effects of malaria in sub-Saharan Africa. The seven taken to Karoi were Old Mutual executives Andrew Weinberg and Brent Wiltshire, entrepreneur William George, commercial attorney Bob Groeneveld, company director Mark di Nicola, neurosurgeon Patrick Semple and graphic designer Athol Moult. All the men are from Cape Town, with the exception of Di Nicola, who is based in Johannesburg.
Di Botha of Cape Town, a friend of three of the expedition members, said she spoke by phone to one of them, Athol Moult, moments after the group had been released on Friday. Moult told her the group had been deprived of food and water and had been separated and interrogated individually. Botha said Moult had told her the police believed they were either part of, or had escaped from, the suspected mercenary group led by Simon Mann, who were arrested in Zimbabwe last month and were said to be planning a coup in Equatorial Guinea. At one stage police indicated they wanted to take the seven men to Harare to continue the interrogation. Botha said one of the arrested men, Groeneveld, of the law firm Fairbridge, Arderne, Lawton Inc, had smuggled the cellphone in his shoe and phoned Old Mutual in Cape Town, which had contacted the law firm. The firm then apparently sent a lawyer to represent the seven men - the two other expedition members had been left at their three motorised inflatable boats under armed guard. They were Old Mutual executive Tim Cumming and company director Simon Espley.
The seven men were released from the police station in Karoi only once the lawyer presented a letter from the SA Department of Health, confirming that the expedition had been sanctioned. Botha said Moult told her that once they had been released, their guards changed their attitude completely. "They were told 'please come back to Zimbabwe, it's so good to have visitors'." Lynne Semple, whose husband Patrick is an associate professor of neurosurgery at Groote Schuur Hospital, said she was extremely worried about the men. They had gone to a lot of trouble before the trip to make sure all their paperwork and permits were in order. "I spoke very briefly to my husband but he told me it wasn't much fun being interrogated at 4am." But she said he had indicated he was keen to finish the trip. In a statement, Old Mutual said the men had been detained by Zimbabwean police as a result of a misunderstanding about their permits. Chief communication officer of Old Mutual, Stephen Bowey, said they were working with the SA High Commission in Harare, which was in constant contact with the Zimbabwean authorities in an effort to resolve the matter speedily. Bowey said the team obtained permits from the Parks Board in Kariba to enter the protected area of Mana Pools, but there had been a dispute about the validity of the permits, as no motorised transport was permitted in Mana Pools.
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From The Sunday Mirror, 4 April
Directors flee
as Zanu PF probes own companies...
Mirror Reporters
Barely a week after the appointment of a committee to probe the ruling party ’s business octopus, the Sunday Mirror is reliably informed that prominent managing director of strategic Zanu PF holding company, Zidco, Jayant Joshi and his brother Manharlal Chunibal (Manoo) Joshi have fled the country. Jayant Joshi, who also sits on the board of First Banking Corporation and a host of other companies aligned to Zanu PF, is alleged to have taken the gap after the announcement of the politburo committee to investigate the ruling party companies. An Asian aide at his home at Number 22, Northwead Road in Borrowdale said Joshi left the country on Friday. The secretive aide would not disclose the circumstances surrounding the departure, saying he could not "talk about boss’s businesses". Joshi’s daughter, Heena, who is also believed to be deeply involved in businesses linked to Zanu PF, the aide said, left the country last week, but it is not known whether this was by coincidence. Heena, a garden boy at the Borrowdale residence said, had most probably left with her husband. The two were reluctant to disclose the couple’s Avondale home details.
The setting up of a team to investigate companies owned or linked to the ruling party is already causing a scare, with some people believed to be involved in shady dealings already believed to be on the run. The ruling party’s politburo last Wednesday set up a high-powered committee to take stock of the party’s full portfolio of companies, investigate their financial operations, directorships, shareholding structures, business performance and benefits to the party and its members over the last five years. The committee is chaired by finance secretary David Karimanzira with other members being retired army commander, General Solomon Mujuru, former Minister of Finance and Economic Development, Simba Makoni, Matabeleland North governor, Obert Mpofu and the party’s deputy secretary for transport and welfare, Thoko Mathuthu.
An intricate web of corporate intrigue has emerged with a fuzzy distinction over the ownership of the companies between Zanu PF or some powerful politicians therein. The man widely perceived as most knowledgeable about Zanu PF’s business octopus is none other than current Speaker of Parliament and the party’s secretary for administration, Emmerson Mnangagwa. As finance secretary of the party over a very long time, Mnangagwa was instrumental in weaving the intricate web of Zanu PF’s business interests locally and regionally. He has worked very closely with the Joshi family and is likely to feature prominently in the politburo committee’s investigations. Zidco was created at the end of the war of independence in 1979 through a joint venture between M&S Syndicate, the first Zanu PF holding company, and a UK-based firm, Unicorn Import/Export. Today Unicorn holds 45 percent of Zidco, while M&S has 55 percent. The London-based company is managed by Chandra Patel, the uncle of Jayant Joshi. In addition to Joshi, the Zidco board currently includes: Mnangagwa; Manoo Joshi, Jayant’s brother; Sydney Sekeramayi, the Minister of Defence; and Dipak Pandya, who is its current financial director and is also a non-executive vice chairman of First Banking Corporation.
Through these two companies the party has a vast range of interests, including Treger Holdings, producers of building materials, hardware etc; Ottawa, a property management company; Catercraft, which runs the catering at Harare airport and also supplies all domestic and international flights out of Harare; and Zidlee Enterprises, which controls the duty free shops at Beit Bridge, Harare City and Harare Airport, and also supplying diplomats with a range of goods. Sources allege that a prominent ruling party politician appears to "run" the company, and others, like his own personal fiefdom with not much information on its operations known by the wider leadership of the party. Zidco had a 13 percent stake in First Banking Corporation but the latter feared that its links with the Zanu PF entity would spoil its corporate image. Media reports pointed to the fact that the shareholder was offloaded from the bank’s shareholder books but reliable sources insist that the company still has its stake in the financial institution albeit with a new pseudonym. To add meat to the contention, individuals who have always been associated with Zidco, namely Joshi and Pandya still sit on the board. Another Zanu PF investment company, AM Treger, is also reported to own 13 percent shareholding in First Banking Corporation. "In fact AM Treger used to own more than the current 13 percent but this was diluted after the bank made its Initial Public Offer (IPO) in 2000," said a source who spoke on condition of anonymity. AM Treger also owns an 80 percent shareholding of Treger Products, a company that has recently been in the news for foreign currency externalisation that has been linked to certain Zanu PF stalwarts.
The Joshis have always been associated with the business of Zanu PF and they are also running a Zanu PF linked company called Tatos Brothers, which is said to be a wholesaler of cycles and cycle spares, arms and ammunition, as well as hardware. The company is situated in Graniteside and the Joshis are said to be mere fronts for prominent politicians of the party who establish or purchase the businesses under the guise of the party. A well-placed source said it was very difficult to pinpoint specifically which companies Zanu PF owned because in most of them it is not the sole shareholder but has a controlling or minority stake. "There are many companies that one does not know who actually owns them. It is all top secret. For instance there is a company called Histonville Investments, which is said to own a 12 percent stake in First Bank, but its all hush-hush about who is behind the company, "said the source. The Sunday Mirror established that there is another company called Heviba Investments that has been linked to the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and the illicit trade in minerals that has been reported by the UN. Again this was said to have links either with the party or certain powerful individuals within the party.
Attempts at previous Zanu PF congresses to get the then party’s treasurer, Mnangagwa, to divulge the accounts of Zidco and M & S always failed; though he did reveal in 1992 that Zanu PF’s assets were then worth Z$486 million. The Joshis, a family of Malawian Asians with a house in Romford, Essex, Britain, have played a key role in Zidco. Sources say the Joshis were thrown out of Malawi by that country’s late dictator, Hastings Kamuzu Banda in the 1960s. They got involved with Zanu PF through a brother-in law of theirs, one Popatlal, who ran a shop in Maputo that operated as an agency through which Zanu PF received much of its goods from friendly countries and organisations. Jayant Joshi, who was based in Britain in the 1970s, extended considerable assistance to Zanu activists sent on scholarships to Britain from the guerrilla camps in Mozambique. After independence Popatlal and his wife, a sister to the Joshi brothers, moved to Zimbabwe and it is through this link that Jayant and his brother Manoo became involved with Zanu PF locally.
The Joshi brothers have acted as fronts for many Zanu PF senior politicians and are said to have developed an infamous arrogance in business circles because of their Zanu PF connection. According to one source at First Bank, "Jayant bullied his way through the bank and almost had the managing director, Livingstone Gwata fired were it not for intervention by Zanu PF stalwarts in the politburo." "It’s quite obvious why he has run away," the source added, "He is the right person to arrest; he knows a lot and if there was any foreign currency externalisation it would have been through him." A former secretary general in Zanu PF, Edgar Tekere, who was expelled from the party for speaking out openly against corruption in government said investigating Zanu PF companies was a welcome move that was however long overdue. "For a long time, members of the party raised the question why there was no accountability relating to the affair of Zanu PF’s businesses. The whole thing was shrouded in mystery and no audits were done, no books or financial statements were produced. I believe that this lack of transparency created a very dangerous situation whereby some of those who were entrusted with running the party’s commercial concerns abused them and turned them into personal fiefdoms," said Tekere, who hoped the investigations would be taken to their logical conclusions. He added: "It will always be a puzzle why the party leadership assumed a laissez affaire attitude in the affairs of party companies."
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Comment from cricinfo (UK), 3 April
It's now in the open - politicians are the ZCU's masters
Streak's departure could signal mass exodus
Martin Williamson
The resignation of Heath Streak as Zimbabwe's captain could well signal the start of a mass exodus of the dwindling number of senior players who have stayed loyal to the side. Streak did much to hold together the remnants of the team, and to give it respectability both on and off the field. But it seems that he paid the price for trying to stand up to the increasing politicisation of the Zimbabwe board (ZCU). Within hours of the news that Streak had stepped down, the ZCU, courtesy of the government-controlled Herald newspaper, was claiming that he had been sacked. It is likley that in the coming days the authorities will start dishing the dirt on Streak, one of Zimbabwe cricket's most loyal servants. Such is the way of life under Robert Mugabe's regime.
A source close to the ZCU explained that while the board had in the past done all it could to remain independent, it had now all but abandoned that stance and was prepared to slavishly follow the policies of Mugabe. Only last week it banned Bryan Strang from playing after he expressed views which clashed with those of the board. "It's just another example of how the racial element in ZCU is beginning to rule with the corruption and incompetence of our government," the source said. "The government destroys the economy and ZCU destroys the cricket." He added that the situation was deteriorating because the people who acted for the good of the game, and were trying to protect it, were being driven out. "It's the old story is that the more good guys pull out or give up, the easier it is for the bad guys to get their own way - but they all have their own excuses for giving up the struggle."
Streak clashed with the board in the past, usually over selection matters. During the World Cup there were disagreements over the make up of the team, with the ZCU increasingly at odds with those close to the side. "You don't always get the teams you want," admitted a weary Streak at the time. "It's been tough. There have been a lot of political insinuations." In 2001 Streak quit the captaincy minutes before the start of a one-dayer against West Indies after a row over surprise selection. His passion for Zimbabwe and its cricket meant that when he was offered the job again he took it, even though shortly before his father had been arrested by the government for refusing to surrender the family farm. It was claimed that they only kept the land because of Streak's high-profile position. But at last the point came when unerring loyalty and nationalism no longer counted, and the faceless puppets inside the ZCU felt strong enough to cast aside one of the symbols of normality in the crisis-torn country. Zimbabwe cricket, like the country itself, will continue to limp along, in remorseless decline and in desperate need of something dramatic to save it. The trouble is, it has just lost one of the few individuals who could help it do that.
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From The Zimbabwe Standard, 4 April
Father of murdered Zengeza youth accuses minister
By our own Staff
Arther Chinozvina, the father of MDC activist Francis Chinozvina who was shot dead in Zengeza last week, has made startling allegations that a senior government minister murdered his son. A bitter Chinozvina named the minister to The Standard on Friday during an exclusive interview at his Zengeza home. "Ndinoziva kuti ndiva … vakauraya mwana wangu. Ivo vanozvizviva kuti ndivo vakauraya mwana wangu," said Chinozvina in Shona. (I know who murdered my son — the minister knows he is guilty of killing my son) . "What I want to know is why did you kill my son and how would you feel if somebody killed your child in cold blood?" Police have exonerated Minister without Portfolio Elliot Manyika who had been implicated in the shooting, saying he was in his Bindura home area when the incident occurred. Twenty-two-year-old Arthur Chinozvina died from wounds of two bullets that were found lodged in his chest. He was shot outside the home of losing MDC candidate James Makore in Zengeza on Sunday. The shooting occurred after Zanu PF youths clashed with MDC youths outside Makore’s home. During the scuffle, another MDC youth, Arthur Gunzvenzve, was shot in the leg.
Chinozvina said two days after the murder of his son, emissaries approached him saying Zanu PF bigwigs who wanted to foot the entire cost of the funeral had sent them. "They said they wanted to buy food and a casket but I told them that if they wanted to bury anybody, it would have to be me and my wife because we belong to Zanu PF. I told them that it made sense that my son should be buried by his friends in the MDC," said Chinozvina. He said the fact that he and his son belonged to a different political party had never been an issue in the family but had resulted in stimulating debates on whose party served the best interests of the people. The Standard has been informed that the Chinozvinas come from Zvimba communal area and are related to President Robert Mugabe. "The father of my wife, Mr Felix Nyikadzino was a brother of President Mugabe’s mother, Ambuya Bona. So close is the relationship that when Ambuya Bona’s property was shared among relatives after her death, my wife received a blanket," said the anguished Chinozvina as he fought hard to control tears welling in his eyes. Chinozvina said his wife’s maiden name is Thandiwe Mhike. The Standard could not verify Chinozvina’s claims over the relationship with President Mugabe.
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From AFP, 5 April
Mugabe again rules out talks with MDC
Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe has again ruled out talks with the main opposition party, describing his political rivals as "enemies" of national unity, a report said Sunday. The state-run Sunday Mail quoted Mugabe as saying the opposition worked with outsiders to undermine the embattled country's sovereignty. "There is no room for unity with those that do not believe that this country and its forests, animals, even snakes and mosquitoes belong to us," Mugabe told the paper. "Those who work hand in glove with the enemy to impose sanctions on our country and those who are sponsored by the enemy to subvert our national sovereignty ... are indeed the enemies of this unity," he added. The 80-year-old leader accused the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), which poses the biggest threat to his 24-year hold on power, of being a front for Western countries bent on overthrowing his government. Earlier this year Mugabe said in an interview to mark his 80th birthday that his party would not hold talks with the MDC unless they were seen to sever their alleged links with the West. The political temperature in Zimbabwe has been rising ahead of next year's parliamentary elections, as the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) claimed a victory in an MDC stronghold after a low voter turnout. Last week Mugabe threatened to put the opposition to "eternal sleep" in polls due in March next year, while MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai warned of the "chaos that awaits the nation in 2005".
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From The Daily Telegraph (UK), 5 April
Mugabe land-grab advice
By Christopher Munnion in Johannesburg
President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe has begun to export his government's expertise on the most effective methods of seizing farms from white landowners. A team of Zimbabwean "land redistribution experts" arrived in Namibia yesterday to advise the government of President Sam Nujoma. Namibia, a sprawling mineral-rich state in south-western Africa, has announced that it will soon start the forcible expropriation of white-owned land for "redistribution to the landless masses". The government claims that about 4,000 white farmers, most of them of German and Afrikaner descent, own nearly half the arable land in the country. Mr Nujoma, one of the most faithful supporters and admirers of Mr Mugabe, has said he regards Zimbabwe's land redistribution programme as "a model for Africa". This is despite the fact that the forced removal of several thousand white farmers from their land has led to the near collapse of the economy, unemployment, starvation, violence and an annual inflation rate of more than 600 per cent. White farmers in Namibia have said they are prepared to discuss reasonable land redistribution as long as proper compensation is agreed and all dealings are carried out under law. "We are obviously alarmed that they are taking advice from Zimbabwe," one said. "The Zimbabwean land grab has been an economic disaster and most of the farms taken over by the government in Harare were simply handed out to the ruling party elite rather than landless people."
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From The Zimbabwe Independent, 2 April
Jokonya kicks out new farmers
Munyaradzi Wasosa
Newly resettled farmers at Greenlands Farm in Beatrice have been told to make way for one Chiyevo Jokonya, whom the farmers claim is acting for Zimbabwe's former ambassador to the United Nations, Tichaona Jokonya. The farmers say they were confronted a fortnight ago by assistant district administrator, Grace Mubaira, district coordination committee chairman (Presidential Inspectorate on land), Humphrey Vengesai, two policemen and two war veterans in army fatigues whose names were given as 'comrades' Zhou and Kata. The group, the farmers allege, told them that they faced a forced eviction before harvesting their crops because "the owner now wants the farm". "We were given the farm by the government in 2002," one of the affected farmers said. "What surprises us is that the government said 'one man one farm' but Jokonya already has three big farms." Investigations by the Independent revealed that Ambassador Jokonya is linked to three farms. He owns Samaita Farm in Beatrice, which incorporates Hillside, an adjoining farm he is believed to have bought around 1999. He is also connected to Baumers Kop Farm in Featherstone, near Chivhu along the Harare- Masvingo Road. Ambassador Jokonya however denied any plans to take over Greenlands Farm. "Who told you that?" he retorted when told of the allegations by the farmers. "I am not the only Jokonya in Zimbabwe. I only have one farm, Samaita, which I bought in 1995 when I was the ambassador in New York." Quizzed about the farm in Featherstone, Jokonya said: "It is a family farm left to us by my late father whose estate has not been executed yet anyway."
A resettled farmer at Greenlands said: "It is true that Jokonya wants our farm. His workers are already living in some of the workers' houses and his cattle were grazing at Greenlands until we chased them away." The farmers allege that Chiyevo Jokonya is in fact Jokonya's daughter who is believed to be in Switzerland. However, Jokonya declined to verify the allegations as he said he was chairing a meeting in Beitbridge. The resettled farmers, most of whom came from Marirangwe, first settled on Munaku farm in Harare South, where they were evicted in 2001. The government then resettled the 64 families as A1 farmers at Greenlands, whose size is 4 000 acres. However, the government now says that the farm is classified as A2 and is unsuitable for A1 farming. "Greenlands has Kalahari sands, that is why we want the stubborn farmers to go to a farm with better soils, which is Eden farm," a source in the provincial administrator's office said. Some resettled farmers who left Greenlands already occupy Eden farm. The farmers, who have been promised $10 million each by the government if they move to Eden have vowed not to leave Greenlands. "We are not animals. They cannot toss us around any time they want," said an irate farmer. "The government settled us on Greenlands two years ago, so it must give us the money to build permanent houses on the farm." The provincial administrator, Christopher Chingosho, who is based in Marondera, could not be reached for comment. His secretary said he was at the University of Zimbabwe, where he is a student. Efforts to interview Mashonaland East provincial governor, David Karimanzira, were also fruitless. His secretary simply said he was not in his office.
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From The Sunday Tribune (SA), 4 April
We will not return farmers' land, says MDC
By Moshoeshoe Monare
Zimbabwe's Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) says should it win power, it would not return land to evicted white farmers. "We cannot go back to the pre-2000 situation in which Mr Joe Bloke who has now run away, is in Australia, we say come and get back your land. We cannot go back to that," said MDC president Morgan Tsvangirai, in an interview. Invaders headed by war veterans took over farms in 1999, chasing white farmers away in an action sanctioned by the ruling Zanu PF. "Neither can we endorse what Zanu PF has done," Tsvangirai said. "Land reform without the issue of food security is not land reform. Today six million Zimbabweans need food assistance. The land grabbing exercise that Mugabe has embarked on has led this country to a serious food deficit...We cannot reverse what has been done, but we cannot endorse what has been done," said Tsvangirai. He said the ruling party's method of grabbing the land was wrong, even though it was backed by sound ideals. "Zanu PF has embarked on this disastrous land grabbing exercise. We, as the MDC, think the method was wrong, the objectives might be right... what we want as MDC is a rationalisation process, to rationalise the land distribution process, to rationalise the reform programme so that it becomes equitable, transparent and deals with this historical grievance," Tsvangirai said. He said once his party came to power it would conduct land audits to find out who owned farms and how many. This stems from allegations that some of the Zanu-PF and government officials have more than one farm. "(The audit) is going to reveal who has got what, and clearly set up a mechanism of a land commission to deal with redistribution, land reform itself, assistance to farmers and the progressive support that should be given for food service sufficiency. "We are not going to embark on witchhunting, we are going to say one farm, one person. Need is an important issue, not greed," he said. Responding to Tsvangirai's comments, Zanu PF spokesman Jonathan Shamuyarira admitted that "there might have been problems with land allocation". "But we are dealing with it, we are investigating the problem as government," Shamuyarira said. He was referring to a probe into the land issue conducted by government, but whose report has been kept under wraps.
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From The Zimbabwe Standard, 4 April
Zanu PF wants Kuruneri probed
By Rangarirai Mberi
Senior ruling Zanu PF party officials want Finance Minister, Christopher Kuruneri to be investigated for possible externalisation of foreign currency, sources told The Standard yesterday. Ruling party officials said senior Zanu PF figures were pushing for a probe into Kuruneri’s assets at the party’s Central Committee meeting held on Friday. "They want the net to close in on the Minister of Finance as well. This should show how serious we are," a Zanu PF official source said. Didymus Mutasa, Minister of Special Affairs responsible for Anti-corruption and Anti-monopolies, would not comment on the reports yesterday, saying he was in a meeting. Kuruneri has reportedly spent up to R30 million building a seaside mansion in Llanduno, an exclusive enclave of Cape Town. Kuruneri has admitted to owning the property, but has however disputed the amounts involved in the project. The mansion would cost "only" R7 million, Kuruneri told The Herald recently, and valuations of R30 million were "super nonsense". Some legal experts however say under current law, money earned outside the country need not be repatriated to Zimbabwe. "Even where one is residen |
