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Archived News
1st February 2005
Another MDC member arrested in Harare
Deputy minister orders shooting of MDC candidate
Tsvangirai says Mugabe is losing control of Zanu PF
Mugabe blocks parliamentary Speaker's corruption probe
Manyika accused of taking bribes
Cosatu visit: ministers contradict each other
UN fears Zimbabwe food shortages
Spain throws spanners into jailed finance minister's probe
Two MDC activists arrested in fresh crackdown
Zim opposition MP arrested, the released
SADC delegation jets in for compliance appraisal
ZBC orders MDC news blackout
Takashinga's stand offers hope for future
Stepping up efforts to handle illegal immigrants
Labour's hypocrisy
Public servants to monitor Zimbabwe elections
Zim poll: Free and fair?
Zim bank chief tackles parastatals
Nkomo comes face to face
Searching under the street light
ANC/Cosatu agree conditions in Zim not `conducive' to free poll
Zimbabwe tells Cosatu to mind its own business
New demands will disenfranchise thousands, analysts
Warning on Zimbabwe food crisis
Chiyangwa's problems mount
Oppositions live in fear as rulers set agenda
Zimbabwe sculptors struggle with sales
Cosatu will go to Zim despite warning
SADC turns up the heat on Mugabe
ANC makes slight turn of the screw
Zimbabwe spy suspects appeal for leniency
Hospital fighting for life
Journalists shrug off government's media straitjacket
Zimbabwe asylum removals protest
Zimbabwe drops Tsvangirai appeal
Cosatu books its tickets back to Harare for talks
Land invasions were staged, claims Mugabe
Zanu PF Politburo demands sacking of Jonathan Moyo
Moyo's CV attracts 'buyers'
Viva Vavi, for whom the struggle never ends
Cosatu should go to Zim, says ANC
Mdladlana says he was quoted out of context
Zim expats want to vote
Zimbabwe hunger claims 'US plot'
Govt has to import to improve food security situation
Retired army commander also eyed vice-presidency ahead of wife
Zimbabwe exiles to launch weekly newspaper in Britain
Just like Oom Fanie, Mugabe's enemies ruthlessly lost everything
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From AFP, 26 January
Another MDC member arrested in Harare
Harare - An opposition lawmaker in Zimbabwe was arrested on Tuesday for allegedly urging violence against the ruling party ahead of key elections in March, his lawyer said. Nelson Chamisa from the Movement of Democratic Change (MDC) party was summoned to the police station in the town of Marondera, in Mashonaland East province, and accused of making an incendiary speech, lawyer Aleck Muchadehama said. "They are saying that during a speech on Saturday in the town of Wedza, he supposedly told people that the MDC will hit back at anyone who attacks the party. "The exact quote is supposed to have been 'If someone attacks you, do not break your legs in trying to run away," the lawyer said, adding: "We do not understand exactly what this is supposed to mean and who it targets."On Sunday, another MDC MP was arrested for allegedly holding a meeting without the required police permission but released on bail a day later. The MDC on Tuesday said it was "particularly perturbed by the increasing cases in which police are continuing to disrupt MDC meetings." The MDC, which is yet to decide whether to contest the March parliamentary elections, reaffirmed that the arrest was proof that Zimbabwe was not serious about its commitment to hold free and fair elections. Zimbabwe's last two elections in 2000 and 2002 were marred by allegations of fraud and violence. However, Zimbabwe has announced a new election commission to bring it in line with southern African standards of transparency. President Robert Mugabe's ruling Zanu PF party, in power since independence from Britain in 1980, hopes to strengthen its hold on power in the March polls.
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From Zim Online (SA), 26 January
Deputy minister orders shooting of MDC candidate
Insiza - An opposition candidate in the March election escaped unhurt after he was shot at here last weekend by ruling Zanu PF party supporters allegedly on the orders of Deputy Minister of Transport, Andrew Langa. Langa, who is the sitting Member of Parliament (MP) for Insiza, about 120 kilometres south of Bulawayo, is also the Zanu PF candidate for the area in the March poll. He was in the area campaigning when he met the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party's Siyabonga Malandu, who was also canvassing for support. The MP allegedly ordered his younger brother and his driver, who were part of a group of supporters he was travelling with, to shoot at Malandu and his supporters. Neither Malandu nor his supporters were injured because of the shooting although three youths who were part of the opposition group were assaulted. Malandu said: "We met a convoy of seven Zanu PF cars, including Langa's personal car. They blocked and insulted us. Langa then ordered his team to shoot us. His brother Danny and driver Patrick Hove then opened fire. Our youths fled but three were caught and were beaten up." The shooting incident was reported and entered as crime record number 717273 at Filabusi police station in the area. Langa could not be reached for comment while police spokesman Wayne Bvudzijena refused to co mment on the matter. The Zanu PF parliamentarian reclaimed the Insiza seat from the MDC in a violence-marred by-election in 2002. Langa was also accused of shooting to death an MDC activist, Darlington Kadengu, during the run-up to the by-election. A petition by the MDC challenging Langa's victory in that by-election is still pending at the courts. The MDC has threatened to boycott the March poll unless the political playing field is levelled and political violence ended.
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From The Mercury (SA), 26 January
Tsvangirai says Mugabe is losing control of Zanu PF
Johannesburg: Unprecedented infighting in Zimbabwe's ruling Zanu PF shows President Robert Mugabe has lost control of his party ahead of elections due in March, the main opposition leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, said yesterday. "Mugabe now is a leader of a faction, not the leader of the party of the country and that undermines his legitimacy," the Movement for Democratic Change leader said. More than a dozen top party officials have been purged amid jostling to succeed Mugabe, 80, upon his retirement in 2008. The party has also been racked by squabbles over the imposition of some election candidates and the exclusion of others. The rare infighting in Zanu PF, which under Mugabe fought for Zimbabwe's independence in 1980 and has ruled ever since, could benefit the MDC if it decides to contest the election, Tsvangirai said in an interview from South Africa. But the MDC leader said his party still wanted the election delayed to allow better preparation and would decide only next month whether to contest the parliamentary polls, which they have threatened to boycott. "The problem confronting us is: Damned if you do, damned if you don't," Tsvangirai said. "It takes two to tango. You can't have a one-party election, neither can you have an election in which you legitimise a farce. As Napoleon said, don't help your enemy when he's down - obviously it's an opportunity for the MDC," he said.
Tsvangirai repeated his call for polls to be postponed to meet Southern African Development Community standards. "We don't expect 100% compliance on SADC principles, but we expect the minimum to be applied," he said. The MDC leadership would decide on February 2 or February 3 whether to contest the poll. The MDC accuses Mugabe of rigging elections in 2000 and 2002 and says the government must allow them freedom of assembly and access to the media and voter lists. Mugabe rejects charges of electoral fraud and dismisses Tsvangirai as a puppet of Western opponents, above all the UK. The former trade union leader, 52, said that even after the creation of an electoral commission last week, Zimbabwe was far from meeting SADC standards and the poll should be delayed. "It's a logistical nightmare that they have to face. It's almost an impossibility. And so if they are to go ahead, they would have to use discredited institutions - the very same institutions that have committed the fraud over the years." Tsvangirai conceded that his treason trial for an alleged plot to kill Mugabe had caused despondency within MDC ranks. But he said his acquittal last October had revived morale and he expected a second case of treason against him, linked to street protests in 2003, to collapse.
Zimbabwe's once-vibrant economy has largely failed since 2000, when Mugabe began advocating the sometimes violent seizure of white-owned farms. Inflation has soared and food and foreign currency are often scarce. Many in South Africa have watched aghast as economic migrants have come over the border, although President Thabo Mbeki has steered away from open confrontation with Mugabe. Tsvangirai said he sensed frustration within the ANC at Mugabe's failure to resolve the Zimbabwe crisis. Last week, the ANC's secretary-general voiced concern over restrictions imposed on the MDC. "They have tried quiet diplomacy for a very long time, tried to (encourage) Zanu PF to move towards democracy and human rights observation, but have realised that Mugabe has remained defiant both to national and international opinion," Tsvangirai said.
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From Zim Online (SA), 26 January
Mugabe blocks parliamentary Speaker's corruption probe
Harare - President Robert Mugabe has ordered the police to stop investigating parliamentary speaker Emmerson Mnangagwa for corruption, gold smuggling and illegally externalising foreign currency, sources told ZimOnline yesterday. A team of special investigators headed by senior assistant police commissioner, Steven Mutamba, tasked last April to probe Mnangagwa, has now been disbanded after Mugabe ordered the investigation called off late last year. "We were making headway when we were just told to pack our bags and return to our provinces. The official reason we were given was that the police force no longer had money for our travel and subsistence allowances during investigations," said a police officer, who was part of the investigating team. The officer, who spoke anonymously for professional reasons, added: "We have now learnt that the investigation was called off on instructions from the highest office. The whole thing had become too much of a political matter. "For example there were times during the probe when we would be told to wait for instructions from higher offices before carrying out certain tasks. In certain cases, potential witnesses would refuse to talk to us and instead referred us to Mnangagwa who was uncooperative."
Police spokesman Oliver Mandipaka said he did not have ready information on the case when contacted for comment and promised to find out what had transpired over the probe. But he was no longer reachable on his mobile phone when we called him later in the day. Mnangagwa could not be reached for comment while Home Affairs Minister Kembo Mohadi, under whose portfolio the police falls, would not take questions on the matter. "I have not been informed about that. Thank you," Mohadi said before switching off his phone. The police team that was probing Mnangagwa comprised crack investigators drawn from Harare, Manicaland and Masvingo provinces. It was divided into four sub-teams headed by chief superintendents Musarashana Mabunda, Patrick Ncube, one Mhene and another Mangoma. The sub-team leaders reported to assistant police commissioner Chris Gora, who deputised team leader, Mutamba. Relying on information unearthed by investigators, Police Commissioner Augustine Chihuri and State Security Minister Nicholas Goche, in charge of intelligence services, informed Mugabe in early November last year that enough evidence had been uncovered to arrest Mnangagwa. It was then that Mugabe ordered Chihuri to call off the probe against Mnangagwa, one of his closest lieutenants and for long perceived as his heir apparent until he sidelined him in December to appoint Joyce Mujuru as vice-president.
Mnangagwa was first publicly linked to illegal gold trade when his name was mentioned during the trial in March last year of Mark Mathew Burden, a local gold producer who was being accused of involvement in the gold black market and of smuggling. Burden, who was also accused of illegally exchanging 8.8 kilogrammes of gold for diesel at the height of the fuel crisis in Zimbabwe, allegedly told the police that he had illegally traded in gold on behalf of Mnangagwa. But Burden, later withdrew the statement about Mnangagwa saying it had been extracted from him under duress. He was later acquitted by the court. Mnangagwa, who has been the ruling Zanu PF party's finance secretary until a few years ago, was also last year quizzed by a party taskforce investigating allegations that companies owned by the party had siphoned foreign currency out of Zimbabwe. The Zanu PF probe however appears to have hit a brick wall after top directors of the party's companies fled the country, reportedly with the help of an unnamed senior politician. Mnangagwa was also named in a United Nations report two years ago among African politicians and military commanders who allegedly looted diamonds and other natural resources from the Democratic Republic of the Congo during that country's civil war.
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From The Daily News Online Edition, 26 January
Manyika accused of taking bribes
Elliot Manyika, the Zanu PF elections directorate chairman, and politburo secretary for commissariat stands accused of receiving bribes, in cash and in kind, from aspiring ruling party legislators. The Daily News Online yesterday was told that Manyika received "gifts" from Zanu PF parliamentary hopefuls who hoped he would use his muscle to influence the outcome of ruling party primaries held last weekend. The sources said Manyika received a pick -up truck, a cabstar utility farm vehicle, from a businessman-cum politician, from Manicaland province. Manyika, sources said failed, despite spirited efforts to impose the businessman as a candidate in one of the constituencies in Manicaland province. The businessman is also said to have given Manyika an undisclosed huge sum of money. The sources said several parliamentary hopefuls gave Manyika gifts, ranging from vehicles, cash and farming implements to induce him to influence the outcome of primary election results.
The sources said the Zanu PF top leadership, particularly John Nkomo, the national chairman, got wind of this and has reportedly ruled that the poltburo would make the final decision on the final list of Zanu PF candidates. "Manyika messed up the primaries," said one top Zanu PF insider. "The problem is that he received so many gifts from aspiring candidates." The sources said Manyika's bungling resulted in the chaos that characterised the Zanu PF primaries held across the country. Several losing candidates are crying foul blaming Manyika for favouring certain individuals during the primaries. Although Manyika was not immediately available for comment several losing candidates said they were unimpressed with Manyika's conduct. Others said they were surprised that Manyika, while entertaining complaints from other losing candidates, completely ignored them even in cases where evidence of electoral irregularities was readily available. Some losing candidates are already contemplating contesting the March poll as independents after Manyika refused to entertain their complaints.
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From The Daily Mirror, 26 January
Cosatu visit: ministers contradict each other
Daily Mirror Reporter
The controversial visit to Zimbabwe by the Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) has been hit by confusion with two government ministers issuing conflicting statements on who was to clear the delegation's intended visit here. The militant SA labour group is expected in the country next Wednesday, according to Cosatu general secretary Zwelinzima Vavi. abour, Public Service and Social Welfare Minister Paul Mangwana said it was the responsibility of Home Affairs Minister Kembo Mohadi to clear Cosatu to visit Zimbabwe while Mohadi said if they do not go through Mangwana he would not entertain them. So who is responsible? Mangwana maintained that the ultimate decision to grant Cosatu permission to come here was the prerogative of the Internal Affairs ministry. He said: "I don't know why they wrote to me. That is none of my business that is why I have not responded. I don't care who they visit. That is not my responsibility to clear them into the country. It is that of the Home Affairs ministry. I can only entertain them if they abide by the government-to-government protocol. I am part of government not ZCTU - a labour union." However, Mohadi said the decision to clear the delegation rested with Mangwana while his duties entailed that the Labour minister's decision was respected. "There is nothing untoward about the visit, they should only abide by the laws. Minister Mangwana has to grant them permission that's why they wrote to him. If he does not (grant them permission), my responsibility is to see to it that the laws of the country are not flouted," Mohadi stressed.
Vavi said a delegation would be on "the first flight (to Zimbabwe) on February 2". He said Mangwana was aware of this and had been duly notified. Last October, the government sent packing a 12-member Cosatu delegation by road via Beitbridge violating a High Court order dismissing Harare's unilateral decision as unlawful. The move provoked a backlash from the MDC, which was born out of trade unionism. The opposition party went on to move a motion in Parliament heavily criticising the action. Zanu PF legislators hit back by walking out of Parliament when the issue was being debated. The latest development follows last Saturday's meeting in Cape Town between Vavi and his ZCTU counterpart Wellington Chibebe. The two trade unionists issued a joint statement saying they had reviewed the situation in Zimbabwe and agreed that Cosatu should renew their fact-finding mission. In a letter dated January 24, addressed to Mangwana and signed by Vavi, Cosatu's powerful scribe said: "We hope to arrive in the country in the first week of February and will comply fully with all laws of the country. We trust that this time there will be no problem with the mission entering the country and exercising its right to meet our fellow trade unionists."
Vavi also explained that this time around they would restrict their meeting only to ZCTU officials. During the last visit, the Cosatu delegation wanted to meet the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA), Crisis Coalition Zimbabwe, the Zimbabwe Election Support Network - civic groups perceived as an extension of the MDC. The government objected to the trip saying "the proposed fact finding mission is predicted in the political domain." As such, Vavi in another letter to regional and general secretaries of labour unions asking them to join in the Zimbabwe itinerary, said the decision to meet the ZCTU only, and not civil society was a compromise. "We know that this approach of restricting our meeting to the ZCTU instead of meeting all those we believe may provide us with information, such as civil society organisations, is already a compromise. It could encourage some to run a campaign to suggest we had ulterior motives at the time of our previous mission. It is a compromise because, as a revolutionary movement we have stubbornly refused to be restricted to narrow labour issues," Vavi declared. He also wrote to Moses Katchima, the executive secretary of the Botswana-based Southern Africa Trade Unions Coordinating Committee. He implored the need for solidarity with Zimbabweans in light of the impending crucial elections. Vavi said without Sadc nations' intervention, "the country would be plunged into a major catastrophe if the elections do not help the country out of its current crisis."
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From The Financial Times (UK), 25 January
UN fears Zimbabwe food shortages
By David White
A senior UN official voiced concern yesterday about the prospect of food shortages in Zimbabwe as a result of the decision by President Robert Mugabe's regime to refuse further food aid. James Morris, executive director of the World Food Programme, challenged the Zimbabwe government's claims of a bumper 2004 crop of maize, the staple food. Following a harvest of less than 1m tonnes the year before, such a turnround would be "staggering" if true, he said. "If the projections are not correct, a great number of people would be very much at risk," he said. "I don't know what the evidence is that things would be any better [than last year]. The next 90 days are going to be critical."
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From Zim Online (SA), 25 January
Spain throws spanners into jailed finance minister's probe
Harare - Spain has refused Zimbabwean state investigators permission to visit that country to probe claims by jailed Finance Minister, Chris Kuruneri, that the foreign currency he is accused of siphoning out of Zimbabwe was earned from a Madrid company, Zim Online learnt last night. The failure by state prosecutors to travel to Spain could weaken their case against Kuruneri. The finance minister, in jail since last April, is accused of externalising more than 5.2 million rands, 34 371 pounds, 30 000 euros and US$582 611.99 between 2002 and 2004. The state claims he used part of the money to buy and build luxurious homes in South Africa's Cape Town city. Kuruneri, who is the ruling Zanu PF party's Member of Parliament for Mazowe West constituency, denies externalising forex claiming that the money he used to buy properties in South Africa is money he earned from consultancy work for a Spanish-based company. No comment was available from the Attorney General's office on Madrid's refusal to allow Zimbabwean investigators into Spain and how this was going to affect the state's case against Kuruneri. Kuruneri's lawyer George Chikumbirike said: "I have heard about it today that they (state investigators) were not given the permits (to travel to Spain)." Apart from allegedly siphoning scarce hard cash out of the country, Kuruneri is also accused of holding a Canadian passport in breach of the Citizenship Act which prohibits Zimbabweans from holding passports of other countries. No trial date has been set for Kuruneri as the state had indicated it wanted more time to carry out investigations inside the country, in South Africa and in Spain.
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From Zim Online (SA), 27 January
Two MDC activists arrested in fresh crackdown
Bulawayo - Police here arrested two more Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party activists as the law enforcement agency intensified a crackdown against the opposition party ahead of the March general election. MDC spokesman for Bulawayo, Victor Moyo, said the activists, Shepard Chigundura and Nompilo Ncube, were picked up in Lobengula-Magwegwe constituency in the city while on a door-to-door campaign to urge supporters to inspect the voters' roll and ensure they are able to vote in March. The opposition activists, who were still not charged by late last night, were expected to spend the night in detention at Magwegwe police station. "The two (Chigundura and Ncube) were simply distributing fliers encouraging supporters to go and inspect the voters' roll and urging those who are not registered to do so as we are faced with a crucial parliamentary election," Moyo told Zim Online. Bulawayo police spokesman Langa Ndlovu refused to take questions on the matter. Earlier this week on Tuesday, police arrested MDC national youth chairman Nelson Chamisa in Marondera city in Mashonaland East province accusing him of inciting violence when he addressed party supporters last Saturday. Chamisa's arrest came two days after the police had arrested 60 other MDC activists including the opposition party's Member of Parliament for Makokoba constituency, Thokozani Khupe. Khupe, who was detained overnight in a cell littered with human waste and later released, was charged with meeting with her supporters without permission from the police. The 60 supporters were all released without charge.
Under the government's Public Order and Security Act, Zimbabweans must first get police clearance to meet in public in groups of three or more people to discuss politics. The MDC, which has had several of its meetings cancelled by the police, accuses the government of using the security Act to derail its campaign ahead of the March poll. To date, the police have not cancelled any meetings by President Robert Mugabe or his ruling Zanu PF party. Moyo said the MDC had resorted to the door-to-door campaign to urge supporters to ensure they are on the voters' roll after the police on several occasions refused the opposition party permission to hold public rallies to encourage supporters to inspect the roll. The roll has been out for inspection for the last week and Zimbabweans wishing to vote in March must check the roll to ensure their names are correctly entered. Meanwhile Chamisa, who is also the MDC's Member of Parliament for Kuwadzana constituency, was released from custody yesterday after state prosecutors in Marondera refused to prosecute him for lack of evidence linking him to the alleged offence.
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From The Mail & Guardian (SA), 27 January
Zim opposition MP arrested, the released
An opposition lawmaker in Zimbawe was released without charges on Wednesday, a day after he was arrested for allegedly inciting violence in the run-up to the March elections, his lawyer said. "The matter did not even go up to a magistrate as the public prosecutor said there was no factual evidence to the police allegation or any proof of any criminal offence," said lawyer Aleck Muchadehama. Nelson Chamisa, who at 27 is Zimbabwe's youngest lawmaker, was on Tuesday summonsed to the police station in the town of Marondera, in the Mashonaland East province, and arrested for allegedly making an incendiary speech. Police accused the lawmaker from the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party of telling supporters in a speech on Saturday that, "If someone attacks you, do not break your legs in trying to run away". Police interpreted this as a call to attack the governing party. On Sunday, another MDC MP was arrested for allegedly holding a meeting without the required police permission but released on bail a day later. Following the arrests, the party said it was "particularly perturbed by the increasing cases in which police are continuing to disrupt MDC meetings". The MDC, which is yet to decide whether to contest the March parliamentary elections, reaffirmed that the arrest was proof that Zimbabwe was not serious about its commitment to hold free and fair elections. Zimbabwe's last two elections in 2000 and 2002 were marred by allegations of fraud and violence. However, Zimbabwe has announced a new election commission to bring it in line with southern African standards of transparency. President Robert Mugabe's ruling Zanu PF party, in power since independence from Britain in 1980, hopes to strengthen its hold on power in the March polls.
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From The Financial Gazette, 27 January
SADC delegation jets in for compliance appraisal
Staff Reporter
The Southern African Development Community (SADC) delegation of lawyers is expected today to assess Zimbabwe's compliance with the Mauritius Protocol on the staging of elections in a democracy as the regional grouping races against time to ensure Harare's March parliamentary elections are free and fair. The visit by the delegation of SADC lawyers comes amid a chorus of complaints by the main opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) that President Robert Mugabe and his ruling Zanu Pf were in serious violation of most of the guidelines and principles of the Mauritius Protocol signed by member states last August. The MDC cites this week's arrest of two of its legislators Thokozani Khupe (Makokoba) and Nelson Chamisa (Kuwadzana), the barring of a number of its political meetings and refusal by the public media to accept opposition advertisements, as some of the latest violations of the Mauritius Protocol. Harare is a signatory of the Mauritius Protocol signed in August which, among other things, demands that all registered political parties should be allowed to campaign freely; have unlimited access to the public media; freedom of association and that all citizens should be allowed to exercise their right to vote.
The principles and guidelines also talk of the need for an independent electoral commission to run the elections and the deployment of election observers two weeks before the polls. But the MDC said this week it doubted the impartiality of the newly-appointed chairman of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission, Justice Charles Chiweshe who, in the past, has handled court cases involving MDC officials and activists. Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga, the MDC shadow minister for foreign affairs, said although her party had not been formally informed, they had been aware for the past few months that a SADC delegation was due in Harare before the polls. "We are just preparing our submissions so that we are ready when they eventually come. We are aware that they are coming but we don't know if they are already in the country or not," said Misihairabwi-Mushonga. An official at the SADC headquarters told The Financial Gazette by telephone that the team, comprising lawyers, would be in Harare up to the weekend.
South African deputy Foreign Affairs Minister, Aziz Pahad, said a team of lawyers from SADC were due in Harare today or tomorrow to assess Zimbabwe's compliance with regional election guidelines and principles ahead of the parliamentary polls delegation. They would also examine Zimbabwe's electoral laws and institutions. Pahad told a Johannesburg-based Sunday weekly that the SADC delegation of lawyers upon arrival in Harare would examine Zimbabwe electoral laws and institutions and then compare them with the principles and guidelines adopted by the heads of states of the regional grouping in Mauritius last August. The delegations would also consult state, political and civic organisations on further initiatives needed to ensure free and fair elections in Zimbabwe. "There is still going to be consultation. There is some question mark about whether the new electoral commission is independent because the President (Robert Mugabe) chooses the chairman," the South African deputy minister of foreign affairs was quoted as saying.
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From The Zimbabwe Standard, 23 January
ZBC orders MDC news blackout
Savious Kwinika
Bulawayo - The Zimbabwe Broadcasting Holdings (ZBH)'s NewsNet has directed its reporters to give coverage to all opposition political parties, except the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), because it has "not confirmed participation" in the March general elections, The Standard has learnt. The MDC is the only opposition party in the country that can mount a credible challenge to Zanu PF's 25 years of uninterrupted rule. The Standard understands that ZBH Newsnet Editor-In-Chief, Tazzen Mandizvidza, a fortnight ago summoned all bureau chiefs to Harare and directed them to cover all opposition political parties except MDC, the party that nearly defeated Zanu PF during the 2000 parliamentary elections. All ZBC bureau chiefs from around the country attended the meeting, except Moses Gumbo from the Midlands province, the sources said. Mandizvidza confirmed that the station would not give coverage to Zimbabwe's largest opposition political party because it had not confirmed whether or not it would participate in the March general elections. "Our policy is to go for stories and bring them before the people of Zimbabwe so that they make their own judgement," Mandizvidza said. Other than the MDC, the other opposition political parties are small and do not pose any real threat to Zanu PF. These are the National Alliance for Good Governance (NAGG), Zanu, Zimbabwe National Congress, Zimbabwe Youth in Alliance (ZIYA). By denying coverage to the MDC, the government has failed to adhere to the Southern African Development Community (SADC) principles and guidelines governing democratic elections. The guidelines call for non-partisan coverage of all political parties by the state media.
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From The Times (UK), 27 January
Takashinga's stand offers hope for future
By Owen Slot
Zimbabwean clubs are forming a power base to change the way the game is run
With England's Test series against South Africa complete, those eternal controversies over the tour to Zimbabwe that preceded it seem to recede into the past. Cricket moves fast these days, but do not forget Zimbabwe, where cricket continues to implode. One of the most influential men in the sport there told The Times yesterday: "We know what they have done with our white players. Now they are doing it with the black players, too." This is Stephen Mangongo, who until recently was the convenor of selectors for the national team and said that his insistence on a side picked on merit before colour is the reason that he is convenor no more. There is nothing novel in a black/white issue losing someone their job; what is extraordinary is that Zimbabwe Cricket (ZC) has turned on its own power base, which is Mangongo's club. This is Takashinga Cricket Club, of which Mangongo is chairman. The club have been the pride of ZC. They are based in the heart of the Harare townships, the main production line for black international players, having produced Tatenda Taibu, the present captain, and a further five in the squad now on tour in Bangladesh. Takashinga is ZC's proof that it is taking cricket to the black majority. Indeed, so staunchly black is Takashinga's past that their politics have, at times, seemed a perfect match for ZC. Henry Olonga was a Takashinga player and within hours of wearing a black armband at the 2003 World Cup in protest at the state of Zimbabwe, his club had suspended him. Mangongo has since said that he regrets the club's stance on Olonga. "Takashinga stands for black cricket in a black area," he explained. "It was a marriage of convenience for ZC, it was used by people to find positions of power."
But even Takashinga are now attempting to stand up against ZC - and they are not alone. They are the biggest club in the biggest and most influential province, Mashonaland. In December, Takashinga were one of 19 out of 20 clubs to vote in favour of an extraordinary general meeting. At the EGM, the clubs voted to change their provincial board, the result being a new chairman and thus a different (and independent) voice on the ZC board. The clubs wanted change because of the way power politics drove ZC, because of how these politics were responsible for the national team's cataclysmic run of results and, most recently, because ZC had decided, without consulting its stakeholders, to spend about £40,000 on rebranding its name from Zimbabwe Cricket Union to Zimbabwe Cricket. As Mangongo said: "What about buying bats and balls for the township kids who do not have them? However, this attempt at democratic change was not greeted kindly. "The ZC refused to recognise the change," Mangongo said. "They took away the keys to the offices and the computers, too." It was only after going to the High Court that the new Mashonaland got their offices back.
Another upshot of the vote is ZC turning against the constituency of which it is most proud: Takashinga. Funding for nets and basic necessities for the upkeep of the ground has been withdrawn. More significantly, eight of Takashinga's leading players have been informed by ZC that unless they move clubs to play for Universals, they will have their contracts rescinded. It may just be coincidence that Universals were the one team of the 20 that did not vote for the EGM and that they are the club of Macsood Ebrahim, a ZC board member and Mangongo's successor as convenor of selectors. "This is damaging the development of cricket," Mangongo said. "ZC had a problem with its white players. Now it has a problem with its biggest black club." Last week, he wrote to Peter Chingoka, the ZC chairman, complaining that ZC allowed Ebrahim "to bully people left right and centre". "We would like to make it clear," he wrote, "that Takashinga will not sit back and watch." Takashinga is not alone here. In recent weeks, meetings have taken place between the disenfranchised white players and leading black provincial and club administrators who wish to oust the ZC board and bring back the white players. The plan is for the other provinces to mirror Mashonaland, to manage change at board level throughout and thus form a power base to challenge the powerbrokers at ZC board level. If the white players were to attempt this, it would be dismissed as an issue of colour, so they have agreed instead to take a back seat. Of those initial 15 white rebels, Gavin Ewing and Barney Rogers have returned to play for Zimbabwe, but the majority remain united. Seven met on Tuesday night to ascertain their position and they agreed to continue playing league cricket, to remain in some sort of form should political change in ZC be so complete that they decide to make themselves available for their country again. The likely humiliation of the national team in the forthcoming two-Test series in South Africa should be a further plank in their argument. As one player said yesterday: "We may be kidding ourselves but if you look very hard, there is something that looks like light at the end of the tunnel."
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From IRIN (UN), 26 January
Stepping up efforts to handle illegal immigrants
Gaborone - Botswana has unveiled plans to build an additional centre to house the growing numbers of illegal immigrants crossing into the country, mainly from neighbouring Zimbabwe. The new centre, expected to be situated in Molepolole, a village 60 km west of the capital, Gaborone, is meant to ease the pressure on a similar facility in Francistown, which is already stretched to capacity. Thousands of Zimbabweans have been flocking to Botswana since 2000, when President Robert Mugabe's government embarked on the controversial land reform programme that has compounded its economic problems. Police commissioner Edwin Batshu was quoted recently in the Botswana Guardian newspaper as saying that, unlike the Francistown shelter, which serves as a holding station for illegal immigrants awaiting deportation, the new centre would receive illegal immigrants who had been given custodial sentences by the country's courts. "People will no longer have the luxury of being deported across the border, only for them to resurface shortly thereafter, as has been the case over the years," Batshu said. Tension between the two countries has been simmering in recent years as increasing numbers of Zimbabweans entered Botswana, both legally and illegally, in a bid to escape the economic crisis at home.
Last year Botswana's immigration authorities complained that deporting an estimated 2,500 Zimbabweans each month had become a drain on the country's resources: in November and December 2004, repatriating illegal immigrants, mainly back to Zimbabwe, had cost the country 169,000 Pula (US $33,800). The authorities recently moved to amend the Immigration Act of 2003, which will see stiffer fines - between P300 ($60) and P4,000 ($800) - and sentences imposed on those entering the country illegally. "The original act was lenient, and was encouraging aliens to overstay in the country," the principal immigration officer, Jimmy Kabelo, told IRIN. Batshu pointed out that those convicted of contravening immigration laws would be kept at the new centre for up to five months before being deported to their home countries. According to the immigration officials, most Zimbabweans enter Botswana legally, using valid visas obtained at the two countries' common border posts, but when their visas expire, they evade immigration officials and the police, and remain in the country. Batshu said the police, assisted by the army, were expected to intensify patrols along the common borders to effectively deal with the problem of illegal immigrants, and the government was speeding up construction of the controversial 500 km electric fence between the two countries, which would be patrolled by the security forces.
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Comment from Socialist Worker (UK), 26 January
Labour's hypocrisy
Blair sends us back to Mugabe's torturers
Arthur Molife
Politicians of all parties rushed last year to denounce the brutalities of Robert Mugabe's regime in Zimbabwe. Now they are united on forcibly deporting Zimbabwean refugees back to torture and possible death. There are more than 4 million Zimbabweans living outside the country. The vast majority of these are victims of political repression by Mugabe and his oppressive and brutal Zanu PF regime. Many of us who were forced out of the country are now scattered all over the world as impoverished and financially destitute refugees. Our normal condition of life is that we have nowhere decent to live and we are frequently stopped and searched or arrested. But now worse is to come. Since the end of last year the Labour government (with support from Michael Howard's Conservatives) has decreed that we may be detained and forcibly deported. Men and women who have suffered torture and imprisonment for their political beliefs and actions, who have seen their relatives killed by Mugabe's thugs, now face the prospect of being returned to Mugabe's hands.
Zimbabwe is currently politically dangerous and an unsafe country to live in unless one is seen as entirely in accord with Mugabe's regime. But instead of being welcomed here to Britain as true refugees from oppression, black Zimbabwean asylum seekers have continued to find the doors slammed in their faces. The new policy of forced deportations makes no pretence that Zimbabwe has become a safer place since 2002 - when Britain suspended removals to the country. The government says that there has been no change "in our opposition to human rights abuses in Zimbabwe" and it will work to "restore democracy so that all Zimbabweans can in time return safely to help build a prosperous and stable Zimbabwe". It is clear that what has changed since 2002 is not Zimbabwe but the British political climate. UK immigration authorities are imposing inhuman restrictions on Zimbabwean refugees. These include the impossible requirement for visas to enter Britain from Zimbabwe, detentions of refugees, work permit restrictions, denial of clinic and hospital treatment, removal of financial support and removal from accommodation provided by the National Asylum Seeker Service.
This wave of attacks against black Zimbabweans is unjust and inhuman. In December, last year, the Leader of the House of Commons, Peter Hain, declared in parliament that, "Mugabe is a murderer". The question is why then does the British government have to send people back to Zimbabwe without any means of monitoring their fate once they are back there? Let us think of the pain, agony, anguish and distress caused to all those Zimbabweans who are now the victims of this racist British deportation policy. We ask everyone who believes in justice to join us on Saturday. We have already been greatly heartened by the response from trade unions, asylum rights campaigners and others. The greater the number of people on the protest, the greater the pressure on the government to rethink its policy.
Stop the removal of Zimbabwean refugees Saturday 29 January, 1-5pm Home Office, 50 Queen Anne's Gate, London SW1 Speakers include Tony Benn
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From Business Day (SA), 28 January
Public servants to monitor Zimbabwe elections
International Affairs Editor
Public servants, rather than independent observers, will monitor the March parliamentary election in Zimbabwe, according to that country's justice minister, Patrick Chinamasa. The decision was criticised yesterday as being likely to further compromise the integrity of the election, although Chinamasa said it was intended purely to enable the government to discipline the observers "if they do any monkey business". News of the decision came as a group of lawyers from the Southern African Development Community (SADC) arrived to assess Zimbabwe's compliance with the group's principles and guidelines on elections. The opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), which has still not decided whether to take part in the poll, said it would take the latest development into account when it made a final decision next week. President Robert Mugabe has not yet set a date for the election, but there is already widespread concern over its integrity after a series of laws were passed putting the government in charge of the process and appointing soldiers, police, prison wardens and other government staff to key positions. Khabele Matlosa, research director at the Electoral Institute of Southern Africa, which helps monitor elections in the region, said while the move was not against SADC guidelines, the use of public servants rather than nongovernmental organisations would compromise the poll . The MDC said the SADC guidelines were very clear on the need for elections to be monitored by impartial individuals. "Given that the public service in Zimbabwe has been heavily politicised in recent years, there can be no guarantee that the public servants used will discharge their duties in an impartial manner," it said.
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From The Mail & Guardian (SA), 27 January
Zim poll: Free and fair?
Daniel Molokele
In Mauritius in August the Southern African Development Community (SADC) adopted the protocol on 'Principles and Guidelines Governing Democratic Elections'. Most analysts hailed it as a major step towards promoting a culture of participatory democracy and good governance in the region. Zimbabwe's election would be the litmus test. Harare claims it is compliant with the protocol having initiated reforms that include the enactment of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission Bill. But human-rights lawyer Daniel Molokele' s reality check has found that the Zanu PF government has set out to hoodwink SADC leaders with reforms he likens to democratic window dressing. He argues that a closer look will show that the concept of a credible election in March is a political mirage.
Independent electoral institutions and the judiciary
In terms of Article 2.2.7 of the protocol, all SADC member states must ensure, prior to any elections, "the independence of the judiciary and the impartiality of the electoral institutions".
The reality:
In the past few years the government has purged all judges it has deemed to be unsympathetic to its political interests. About half of the judges, in both the Supreme and High Courts have left the Bench as a result of the erosion of the rule of law, harassment and the government's contemptuous disregard of court orders. An example is a November 2000 incident when a group of ruling party militants stormed the Supreme Court, while police watched. The government said it could no longer guarantee Chief Justice Anthony Gubbay's security and he resigned shortly afterwards. The new Chief Justice, Godfrey Chidyausiku, is a former deputy minister. The judiciary has also delayed finalising disputes that stem from the 2000 election. The Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) won 57 of the 120 seats. It lodged challenges to the results in 37 constituencies; eight were ruled in its favour but the courts have yet to adjudicate appeals filed by Zanu PF. An attempt was made to set up an independent electoral commission. However, it is neither constitutionally independent nor impartial since commissioners are hired and fired by the president. The role of the new commission is further compromised by the supplementary roles of such bodies as the Electoral Supervisory Commission, Electoral Delimitation Commission and the Registrar General's office -- all stacked with Zanu PF yes men.
Equal opportunity of political parties to access the media
In terms of Article 2.2.5 of the protocol, SADC member states are also obliged to ensure that an equal opportunity to access the state media is granted to all political parties.
The reality:
Evidence on the ground is that there are no attempts to open up either the print or the electronic media in Zimbabwe. New media restrictions prohibiting journalists from working without a state-issued licence were signed into law as recently as January 14. Journalists disobeying the new rulings could face up to two years in jail. Dozens of journalists have been exiled or arrested in the past two years, while three newspapers, including the Daily News, have been shut down. The clampdown on the private press has not subsided. If anything, the present attempts to close down the new Bulawayo-based Weekly Mail only serve to confirm that the government is still intolerant of the idea of multiple media voices in Zimbabwe. Amendments were made to the already repressive Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act that will further legally entrench the strong-arm tactics applied against the proponents of press freedom.The state media remain under the firm grip of the ruling party. The Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation has ordered its news staff to give coverage to all political parties except the MDC, ostensibly because the party has suspended its participation in the elections.
Full participation of citizens in the political process
It is envisaged in terms of Article 2.1.1. that all SADC member states shall ensure that all citizens are allowed to participate fully in the political process.
The reality:
At present, most Zimbabweans might not be able to vote owing to the shambolic state of the voters' roll. New voter registration processes are selective, while opposition supporters claim the roll has many dead people on it. Opposition supporters have been prohibited from registering for identity cards and have been denied the opportunity to check whether their names appear on the roll. Some might not participate in the elections because of the spectre of political violence. This perennial problem has been further aggravated by the fact that Zanu PF now has up to 50 000 youth militias as part of its election campaign team and war veterans have declared areas off limits to the opposition. The 2000 election result in the Buhera North Constituency was nullified by the High Court because of violence. Zanu PF appealed, but the court record went missing soon afterwards. The Grain Marketing Board has been denying food aid to those who are unable to produce Zanu PF membership cards. The NGO Bill has slapped a ban on civil society groups that receive foreign funding from conducting voter education. Only election observer teams that are approved by the government will be allowed into the country. l All these issues have raised genuine fears that the elections might be marred by voter apathy. A low turnout could only serve to undermine the credibility of the entire electoral process.
Freedom of association and political tolerance
In terms of Article 2.1.2-3, the SADC member states are expected to seek to promote such issues as freedom of association and political tolerance.
The reality:
Zimbabwe can hardly be said to be compliant with this provision while it has such repressive laws as the Public Order and Security Act. The law is currently being used zealously by the police force to crush any attempt by the opposition to hold public meetings and rallies. The recent arrests of MDC legislators Thokozani Khupe (Makokoba) and Nelson Chamisa (Kuwadzana) only serve to underline the concern that has also been noted by neighbour South Africa. Just last week the African National Congress issued a public statement expressing its regret that barely two months before the elections President Robert Mugabe's government was still denying the MDC its legitimate right to freedom of assembly. In a recent 10-day period five MDC meetings were banned by the police. Recently police arrested about 100 MDC supporters during a constituency planning meeting, claiming the meeting was illegal. A strategic planning meeting of 15 MDC officials in Masvingo, chaired by MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai, was dissolved after the police insisted on sitting in on discussions.
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From The Cape Argus (SA), 28 January
Zim bank chief tackles parastatals
In what has become a main event on Zimbabwe's calendar, Reserve Bank governor Gideon Gono's quarterly review, a mysterious picture of Zimbabwe's economic recovery was painted yesterday. Having largely disciplined the financial sector in the past year, Gono said the next targets of Reserve Bank attention were Zimbabwe's parastatals, which, if left unchecked, he said, would undermine further cuts in the rate of inflation. "We regard parastatals as the missing link in our turnaround ... the pervasive tentacles of parastatals compel us to call upon government to shake them up ... some of them are the worst culprits and raise prices with impunity." In particular, Gono named the National Railways of Zimbabwe, which is all but paralysed by its crumbling infrastructure. This has forced traders to use road rather than rail. The Reserve Bank governor's review statement even prompted disgraced Information Minister Jonathan Moyo to make his first public appearance since returning from holiday in Kenya on January 12. Moyo was accused by President Robert Mugabe last December of trying to interfere with his succession plan by allegedly rallying support for veteran nationalist Emmerson Mnangagwa instead of Joyce Mujuru, who is now vice-president of both Zanu PF and the country.
Gono said Zimbabwe needed foreign investment and that it would shortly revisit "sacrosanct" international trade agreements and would respect property rights. "We will examine violations (of international trade agreements) beginning this year, redressing those that can be addressed." Gono was referring to most of Zimbabwe's foreign-owned agricultural estates, which have all been either invaded and are now no longer productive, or earmarked for confiscation. He asked the world to "support this gesture in good faith and not continue to judge us on the basis of a transitory episode of our history designed to redress historical imbalances". Productive white farmers are still being evicted every week by local warlords against the expressed wishes of Gono. He said this year a return to agricultural productivity would be policed with similar dedication to the bank's focus on the wayward financial sector last year. "The agricultural authority is harbouring economic players who have similar traits as some of those in the finance sector, where greenhouses, citrus estates, coffee estates have been ravaged by people who do not care about growth. It is a sad day when we have to import milk," said Gono.
He called on the Agriculture Ministry to lead a 30-year recovery plan for agriculture. Agricultural economists and the United Nations have predicted the lowest yet crop yields this summer season of normal rainfall. Gono said the latest annual inflation figure stood at 132%, which he acknowledged was the "highest in the world", but predicted it would drop to between 25 and 35% by year-end. He hinted that the stand-off with Zimbabwe's platinum producers may be over and suggested a platinum marketing association be established with South Africa. "His statement was so well delivered and it was more an exhortation for better performance in the future than about a recovery," economist John Robertson said yesterday. But he added: "It is doubtful if his statement on inflation will be realised and it is probably going to start heading upwards again quite soon."
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From The Daily Mirror, 27 January
Nkomo comes face to face
Daily Mirror Reporter
The occasion for the Governor of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe, Dr Gideon Gono, to present the fourth quarter of the 2004 Monetary Policy statement provided another curious and interesting moment - Minister John Nkomo coming face to face with Jonathan Moyo - fresh from vacation. They could have already met, perhaps during the weekly Cabinet meeting on Tuesday. But to the curious public, yesterday's event provided the perfect moment. And so there they sat, behind Gono, only two or three chairs apart, and never looked at each other. But perhaps the most breathless time was when Nkomo, who is the acting Minister of Finance and Economic Development, had to walk past Moyo to lead Gono to the podium. He walked straight past, facing the other way. But the person most people must have felt sorry for was the Minister of Industry and International Trade, Dr Samuel Mumbengegwi, who sat next to Moyo. Under normal circumstances, Nkomo would have patted him on the shoulder as he passed, just to acknowledge his presence. But certainly not during the tense occasion. It can be safely said Mumbengegwi was caught in the crossfire. As for Moyo, well, he kind of looked as if he expected everything that was happening during the two hours.
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Comment from ZWNEWS, 28 January
Searching under the street light
In all the confusion over what is at issue in the current Zimbabwe crisis, a few points seem to have been entirely missed. Firstly, a number of public opinion surveys have shown that land is not a concern for the ordinary Zimbabwean. In the two surveys conducted by Afrobarometer - in 1999 and 2004 - less than 1% (1999) and only 4% (2004) of those surveyed considered land to be an important political issue.. Secondly, whilst land was an issue during the liberation struggles, it was not the primary issue. The major issue was enfranchisement, for it was by denying the majority of Zimbabweans the vote that the various white governments maintained their control of political power. The calls for majority rule and one man, one vote were at the core of the struggles between black and white through the sixties and seventies. Thirdly, the resolution of the Rhodesian crisis came through a poll in which universal franchise occurred for the very first time. It was exactly a one man, one vote election that brought Zanu PF to power, where they have remained ever since.
This is all very relevant to the forthcoming elections, where Zanu PF is trumpeting land and anti-imperialism as its election slogans. Everyone else is taken up with the technical question of whether the elections will conform to the much-vaunted SADC Principles and Guidelines. By concentrating on this technical issue is to behave like the man who has lost his car keys in the dark and insists on searching under the street light because he can see there. Focussing on the SADC Principles and Guidelines is to forget that the biggest issue in this election is disenfranchisement. Here lies the similarity with the pre-independence era. Notwithstanding the Smith government's dependence on military power, it was most concerned to prevent the black population from voting, for it was clear to all that universal franchise would end white supremacy in one fell swoop. And when finally the country and the region were in near-chaos, the one man, one vote demand finally prevailed and Zimbabwe came into being. It seems little different now.
The country is in near-chaos in almost every way imaginable, and the region too is suffering. Millions of Zimbabweans are refugees, whether because of economics or political threat or fear. The country is hopelessly polarized, with the government determined to hold onto power by all means. And the major means by which this is achieved is by subverting the process of the ballot, which is why there is this over-weaning preoccupation with the SADC Principles and Guidelines. The question that needs to be considered by all is quite simple. Will strict observance of the SADC Principles and Guidelines resolve the crisis, or will it be better solved by one man, one vote, as it was in 1980. Establishing the consensus about what kind of future Zimbabweans want is not a technical matter, resolved by whether there is an independent electoral commission or all political parties having equal access to the media: the consensus will emerge through a poll in which all Zimbabweans have their say. This is the real crisis over these elections. As has become obvious in past elections, there is a systematic campaign to disenfranchise the electorate. This is done by making it near impossible to register as a voter. It is done by stealing identity documents, and by reducing the number of polling stations so that people can queue for three days and still not vote. It is done by denying all those outside the country a postal vote. In all these myriad ways, millions of Zimbabweans are unable to vote and express their view of the direction the country should take.
But we have become boxed into the technical question of whether the elections conform to the standards of SADC, not whether they will represent the legitimate expression of the peoples' will, as the ANC would have it. Surely the legitimate expression of the peoples' will means that the majority of the people voted, and their votes decide who governs. In the recent South African election, the ANC were given a huge mandate by a very large proportion of the vote, and a very large proportion of the electorate voted. Those who did not vote did not do so because there were barriers in their way, but because they simply chose not to vote. There is a simple solution to this problem, and it lies squarely in the hands of Mugabe. He has changed the electoral regulations before, and he could do so again. The solution is this: allow everyone to vote. Count all the votes at every polling station, and, for every constituency, the winner will emerge. As in 1980, there is no need for a voters roll, merely a roll of every registered identity document in the country available at every polling station. We can all vote near our homes, and the solution to Zimbabwe's governmental crisis will be decided by the population. Or we can carry on looking for our keys under the street light.
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From IRIN (UN), 28 January
ANC/Cosatu agree conditions in Zim not `conducive' to free poll
Johannesburg - South Africa's ruling African National Congress (ANC) and its alliance partners have concluded that conditions are not believed to be "conducive" to holding "free and fair elections" in Zimbabwe in March, an official told IRIN. The ruling alliance secretariat, made up of the ANC, the Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) and the South African Communist Party (SACP), met on Thursday to develop a common understanding of the issues touching Zimbabwe, among other items. "All the alliance members were in agreement on that position. To ensure that the electoral process in Zimbabwe complies with the SADC [Southern African Development Community] protocols, all alliance partners have been asked to take whatever course they can," Cosatu spokesman Paul Notyawa said. Following the meeting on Thursday, the members announced that Cosatu's upcoming "fact-finding" mission to Zimbabwe, reportedly scheduled for next week, should be seen as a "people-to-people exchange between South Africans and Zimbabweans" for the creation of a "climate of dialogue".
"The aim of the visit is not to undermine the government of Zimbabwe, but to interact with the people of that country and listen to their concerns. We cannot announce the coming Zimbabwe national elections as being free and fair if we do not have a true reflection of the problems of the people of Zimbabwe. The aim of the trip is to experience these problems ourselves," Notyawa explained. The ANC gave the Cosatu mission a thumbs-up earlier this week, after the labour movement's first "solidarity" trip to Zimbabwe in October last year was criticised by South African President Thabo Mbeki. The 14-member delegation was deported by the Zimbabwean authorities. The SACP announced that it also intends sending a mission to Zimbabwe. "Our visit, the timing of which is still to be decided, will also be part of our initiative to engage all the role- players. We are not calling for the postponement of elections; we see the holding of timely elections as a critical component of democracy in Zimbabwe. We have to, however, ensure that they are free and fair," said SACP spokesman Kaizer Mohau. Zanu PF spokesman Nathan Shamuyarira declined to comment, but told IRIN that his party would issue a statement on Monday.
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From The Mail & Guardian (SA), 29 January
Zimbabwe tells Cosatu to mind its own business
Pretoria - Zimbabwe on Friday warned the Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) to stop meddling in its internal affairs. A statement by the country's top envoy, Simon Khaya Moyo, said reports that the African National Congress had changed its mind about Cosatu's planned fact-finding mission to Zimbabwe and was supportive of it, were contrary to what they had learned from the party itself. On Thursday, the Alliance Secretariat, made up of the SA Communist party, the ANC, the SA National Civic Organisation and Cosatu, said the union's planned visit was part of efforts to create a dialogue that would ensure free and fair elections in Zimbabwe. "Zimbabwe is not for sale," the ambassador said in a statement. "Zimbabwe is currently too busy with preparations for the March elections, which will be conducted within the SADC (Southern African Development Community) principles and guidelines on elections. These SADC protocols were crafted for all SADC member states and the notion being projected that they apply to Zimbabwe only must be dismissed with the contempt it deserves," Moyo said.
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From IRIN (UN), 27 January
New demands will disenfranchise thousands, analysts
Johannesburg - Thousands of eligible Zimbabweans will not be able to vote in the upcoming parliamentary elections without producing written proof that they reside in the constituency where they are registered. In a last-minute public notice published in the official Herald newspaper, the Registrar-General's office said prospective voters in urban areas should present inspection officers with payment slips for water, electricity or other rates, or written statements from landlords confirming their tenancy within the constituency. Voters in rural areas are required to produce written confirmation from their ward councillors and traditional chiefs. Where possible, oral confirmation of residence by the same leadership should be obtained. Civic groups and the political opposition in Zimbabwe have expressed concern over the new demands, while political analyst Emmanuel Magade said they would discourage potential voters from participating in the poll, scheduled for March.
He said the stringent requirements could only work in favour of the ruling Zanu PF, especially in the rural areas, where traditional leaders and ward councillors were members of the local party structures. "The fact that the notice was published only in The Herald shows that it was not intended to reach everybody on time, so many people went to the inspection centres without the required documents and they were turned away - many will never go back for a second chance. A close analysis of the affected areas shows that they are mostly urban areas, where the opposition enjoys great support," Magade told IRIN. Reginald-Matchaba Hove of the Zimbabwe Election Support Network (ZESN) concurred that the new requirement was a worrying development. He said the ZESN also doubted the impartiality of the new Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) under the High Court judge, Justice George Chiweshe, a retired officer and former advocate in the Zimbabwe National Army's military courts.
Minister of justice Patrick Chinamasa dismissed fears of massive disenfranchisement as unfounded, adding that the impartiality of his officials was beyond doubt. "I do not see how people can say the requirement of a proof of residence disenfranchises prospective voters - people should just take the necessary documentation to the inspection centres if they are genuine residents who pay rates. The allegation that Zanu PF councillors and traditional leaders are refusing to issue the necessary documentation to suspected MDC supporters is news to me. It will be investigated, but I have not come across any such complaints during my tour of inspection centres in the rural areas," said Chinamasa. Remius Makuvaza of the opposition MDC's directorate of elections said the party would only comment on allegations of irregularities after receiving reports from its inspection monitoring posts, but confirmed that there were unofficial reports of serious improprieties. "We are still compiling our national report, but initial indications are of gross irregularities in the urban areas. Frustration is also high in the rural areas," he told IRIN.
A team of lawyers from the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) is due in the country this weekend as part of its first mission to check on Zimbabwe's compliance with the SADC electoral guidelines, adopted at the regional conference in Mauritius last August. The MDC maintains that the government has failed to reform the electoral process to conform to the letter and spirit of the guidelines. Citing the continued arrest of its members and officials, denial of access to the media for campaign purposes, and the appointment of an allegedely pro-government judge as chairman of the ZEC, among other concerns, the MDC has called for the elections to be postponed until June at the earliest. The SADC troika of South African President Thabo Mbeki, Botswana President Festus Mogae and Lesotho Prime Minister Pakalitha Mosisili is due in the capital, Harare, before the elections, to check on the country's compliance with the electoral guidelines.
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From The Guardian (UK), 29 January
Warning on Zimbabwe food crisis
Harare - Nearly half of all Zimbabweans are facing hunger as the country's food emergency deepens, a monitoring group said yesterday. Urgent action is required to help 5.8 million people out of a population of 12.5 million who are now at risk from food shortages, the US-funded Famine Early Warning Systems Network said in its latest report. It ranked Zimbabwe's food emergency second in Africa to Ethiopia's, where 8.2 million people are at risk from hunger. The report contradicted Harare's assertion that the country had harvested more food - mainly staple corn - than it needs. "Staple food availability is declining as market prices continue to rise," it said. Malnutrition and related illnesses were forecast to peak in March, before the next harvests. In many areas, families were forced to reduce food consumption drastically, while projects to help the old, the sick, orphans and other vulnerable groups were said to be grossly inadequate. The report echoed concerns voiced this week by James Morris, the head of the World Food Programme, over Harare's refusal of international food aid. Agricultural production has collapsed in the five years since Robert Mugabe ordered the seizure of about 5,000 white-owned farms for redistribution to black Zimbabweans. In what was once a regional breadbasket, about 5.5 million people received food handouts from international agencies in 2003. But most food aid agreements were cancelled last year as the government said they were no longer necessary.
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From The Zimbabwe Independent, 28 January
Chiyangwa's problems mount
Gift Phiri
Embattled Zanu PF tycoon Phillip Chiyangwa - currently held on espionage charges - could find himself in even greater difficulty amid revelations this week that he is being investigated for allegedly externalising US$200 000 between 2001 and last year. Confidential documents to hand reveal that Chiyangwa was allowed by the central bank to move money to Namibia, ostensibly to invest in a joint venture company there. Nothing has come of the envisaged deal and the foreign currency has not been repatriated to Zimbabwe, it has been disclosed. Chiyangwa together with four others are in prison after they were remanded in custody, facing charges of selling state secrets. The Independent was yesterday told that the funds were remitted to Namibia but the joint venture was aborted and the capital was not repatriated. It is understood that Chiyangwa, through his investment vehicle, Native Investments Africa (Pvt) Ltd, wanted to forge an alliance with a Namibian company, Namibia Northern Investment Group (NNIG).
AR Project Services (ARPS) Namibia, a wholly owned subsidiary of ARPS Ltd, a company incorporated in South Africa and owned by self-exiled tycoon Mutumwa Mawere, was appointed the project consultant on behalf of NNIG. ARPS was charged with the responsibility of assisting in negotiations with Crittal Hope, a subsidiary of Chiyangwa's Native Investments. The Zimbabwe Independent understands that the management of the envisaged joint venture company was to be assigned to ARPS. A memorandum of understanding was in December 2000 signed by Native Investments Africa (Pvt) Ltd Zimbabwe on behalf of Crittal Hope Zimbabwe, represented by Chiyangwa, and NNIG represented by the group chairman, Kelly Nghixulifwa. Documents in our possession reveal that Native Investments had undertaken to provide plant machinery and necessary technical assistance while NNIG was to provide buildings and working capital for the envisaged joint venture. Both parties agreed to retain the services of ARPS Namibia, represented by Sebil Dhewa as a consultant during the preparation and up to the commencement of business after which date ARPS Namibia was to be retained as management contractor.
The Independent understands that the joint venture partners agreed to register a company called Crittal-Hope Namibia (Pty) Ltd in which Nghixulifwa was the public officer and Dhewa the managing director. Chiyangwa in July 2001 went on to open a bank account in Namibia at Standard Bank, Gustav Voigts branch in Windhoek. He later sought permission from the Bank of Namibia to operate a foreign currency account. In his application to the Reserve Bank of Namibia, Chiyangwa stated that the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe had approved the movement of US$200 000 under authority GC3148. The money was to be used by Chiyangwa for the preliminary costs of the joint venture. The RBZ is understood to have demanded quarterly progress reports on the envisaged alliance. Gono's spokesman Fortune Chasi yesterday confirmed that the central bank had granted Chiyangwa the authority. "He wanted to invest outside the country," Chasi said. "Remember the RBZ is the forex authority." The Independent understands that the Bank of Namibia approved the opening of the account under application number 547. The approval letter emphasised it was issued under "highly exceptional circumstances".
Meanwhile, Chiyangwa had written to Standard Bank in Namibia requesting that he alone operated Crittal-Hope (Pty) Ltd's foreign currency account (FCA) and that he alone be the sole signatory. The Independent was told that authority was granted and Chiyangwa operated a current account whose number was given as 04 272 6085. An FCA account was also opened with Chiyangwa as the sole signatory. The FCA account number was given as 022/20/101369/01. It is understood that Chiyangwa proceeded to deposit several US$20 000 bank drafts issued by at least three Zimbabwean banks, namely Zimbank, Barclays Bank, and Jewel bank. It is understood that Chiyangwa then transferred N$154 950 from the FCA to the current account. The balance in the current account as at December 24 2004 stood at N$16 807 (US$2 800). The Independent understands that a total of N$1 252 472 (US$208 745) was transferred from the FCA account to the current account as of last year. The entire amount was withdrawn from Standard Bank. Mawere yesterday declined to comment on the matter. Meanwhile, Mawere's attempts to stop insurer ZHL Holdings Ltd's rights issue extraordinary meeting, scheduled for today, faltered last night after the High Court threw out his application to halt the process. In the application filed by THZ, Mawere had argued that the company was being prejudiced by the rights offer. Justice Bharat Patel dismissed the application.
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Comment from The Star (SA) 28 January
Oppositions live in fear as rulers set agenda
For Tsvangirai and Outtara, political freedom remains precious
By Peter Fabricius
There was a telling moment at a Johannesburg conference this week on opposition political parties in Africa. Before giving his address, veteran Malawian politician John Tembo, of the old Malawi Congress Party - formerly ruling, now in opposition - issued a clarification. He said when he was invited to speak at the conference - held by the SA Institute of International Affairs - he first examined the agenda to ensure that this was "not an attempt to form an alliance of opposition parties to bring down governments". "When I was assured that was not the intention, I readily agreed to participate," said Tembo, betraying a consciousness that the Malawi high commission was no doubt listening carefully to what he had to say. Such is the state of apprehension which African governments have instilled in that most endangered of species, the opposition political party. Why should opposition parties not form alliances to bring down governments, one might ask, as long as their methods are constitutional? After all, the liberation movement governments in Southern Africa have their own informal club which meets to swap notes about how to stay in power.
Two of the most endangered politicians of Africa addressed the conference - Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of Zimbabwe's Movement for Democratic Change and Alassane Outtara, leader of the Ivory Coast's Rally of Republicans party. Each is the most powerful opposition politician in his country, and therefore the most feared by his government. Tsvangirai - whose government has tried several times to assassinate him, both physically and politically - spoke poignantly of the dilemma his party faces about whether or not to participate in the parliamentary elections likely to happen in March. "We're damned if we do and damned if we don't," he said, echoing the lot of political parties across the continent. Damned if they do participate because they then legitimise ostensibly-democratic systems that are really just a sham. Damned if they don't, because they then lose whatever small powers they might have, to influence legislation - or just ask awkward questions in parliament. And thereby risk becoming completely irrelevant. Outtara is endangered because Ivorian President Laurent Gbagbo is trying to eliminate him politically by denying him Ivorian nationality and therefore the right to run for president. He also risks literal elimination if he returns from exile in Paris.
These are just some of the ruses which incumbent African politicians resort to, to stay in power - while desperately trying to project an image of democracy to the world. The conference threw up no great revelations about why Africa is like this or how it could change. What was remarkable, though, was a clear difference in opinion between practising politicians and spectators. Academics and others on the sidelines reiterated the old refrain that Africa needs to shrug off the alien culture of liberal democracy and create its own indigenous democracy. Uganda has experimented with what you might call indigenous democracy - the "no-party state" which allows considerable political freedom but not through the medium of political parties. But as the rather quaintly-named Ugandan non-party MP Ronald Reagan Okumu explained, the relative freedom and discipline of Uganda is the result of President Yoweri Museveni's strong personality rather than anything inherent in the no-party system. As he loses his grip, corruption and political oppression are proliferating, revealing the no-party state more and more to be a classic one-party state, Okumu said. Call it what you will, liberal multiparty democracy really seems to be the only way. Those against it tend to be incumbents who fear political freedom or academics with a vested interest in devising something different to justify their jobs. But politicians like Tsvangirai and Outtara, trying to survive on the frontline, had nothing to say on the subject. To them political freedom is as precious as air and water and whatever label you pin on it is superfluous semantics.
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From The Mail & Gaurdian (SA), 26 January
Zimbabwe sculptors struggle with sales
Harare - Zimbabwe's traditional stone sculptors, who once earned huge sums from Western tourists, museums and galleries, are now struggling to survive due to their country's isolation. The exquisite soapstone and granite works, crafted for centuries by the country's majority Shona people, came to the attention of the world in the 1960s when it metamorphosed into a more modern and Cubist art form. The representations of humans, birds, beasts and spirits or purely abstract pieces started commanding hefty prices abroad and Shona works grace the collections of the New York Museum of Modern Art, Britain's Queen Elizabeth II and the Rockefeller family. But Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe's standoff with the United States, Europe and Australia since controversial presidential polls in 2002 has led to a slump in Western tourists, the main chunk of buyers. Mugabe's policy of wooing Asia to offset this drop has not helped. "We have suffered perhaps even more than any other industry since the problems between our government and the Western countries started," said Harare art dealer Newman Chiadzwa. "The European markets are virtually closed and since the start of this 'Look East' policy, we are getting lots of visitors from China and Korea coming to us saying they want to exchange sculptures with goods such as bicycles. But we need money, not bicycles."
Shona stone sculptures were picked up as souvenirs by European travellers as far back as the 13th century, according to historical records. Newsweek once described it as probably the most important art form to have emerged from Africa in the 20th century. Many sculptors now moonlight to supplement their income or sell their works at a fraction of the price in a country labouring under a slew of economic woes, including hyperinflation and a high unemployment rate. Renowned local sculptor Kennedy Musekiwa said business had slowed down so much in the last five years that he has resorted to running training workshops in the United States and Europe to supplement his income. "It's difficult these days to earn a living on stone sculpture alone," said Musekiwa. "There is little business as fewer tourists are coming from Europe and the United States while most locals have little or no disposable income and would never think of buying a stone sculpture."
Fellow sculptor Tendai Rukodzi used to run a bustling open-air gallery along the main road to Harare airport. Now he spends most of the time chatting or drinking beer with friends while killing time and waiting for the rare customer to turn up. "Some of our old clients have said they would never come here until Mugabe goes and as a result, I go for months without selling even a single item," he said. "I end up selling the sculptures at giveaway prices just to get money to buy food and pay rent. I don't even get paid enough to buy stone to make the next piece." However, Elvas Mari, an official with the Zimbabwe National Arts Council, insisted there was a silver lining. "This slump in business has also helped in a way to separate genuine artists from imitators. I believe it's the mediocre artists who are feeling the pinch. Talented artists have weathered the storm and developed ways to sell their products in the difficult circumstances," he said.
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From Sapa, 29 January
Cosatu will go to Zim despite warning
By Moffet Mofokeng
The Congress of SA Trade Unions has vowed to visit Zimbabwe next week despite a warning from that country's envoy urging it not to travel to Harare. "There are no legitimate grounds for the Zimbabwean government to deny Cosatu its democratic right to meet and talk to comrades in the Zimbabwean Congress of Trade Unions," Cosatu's spokesperson Patrick Craven said on Saturday. "We are confident that we have the backing of our alliance partners," he said.On Friday, Simon Moyo, Zimbabwe's envoy to South Africa, warned Cosatu to stop meddling in his country's internal affairs. He said reports that the African National Congress had changed its mind about Cosatu's planned fact-finding mission to Zimbabwe and was supportive of it were contrary to what they had learned from South Africa's ruling party. On Thursday, the alliance secretariat - the SA Communist party, the ANC, the SA National Civic Organisation and Cosatu - said the South African federation's planned visit formed part of efforts to create space for free and fair elections in Zimbabwe. But, on Friday, Moyo said in a statement: "Zimbabwe is not for sale. "Zimbabwe is currently too busy with preparations for the March elections, which will be conducted within the SADC (Southern African Development Community) principles and guidelines on elections. "These SADC protocols were crafted for all SADC member states and the notion being projected that they apply to Zimbabwe only must be dismissed with the contempt it deserves," he said. Independent analyst Aubrey Matshiqi said he was certain Cosatu has the support of the ANC, but was unsure if that support was qualified. He said the Zimbabwean government has been consistent in its rejection of Cosatu's fact-finding mission. "They do not want Cosatu," Matshiqi told Sapa. The ANC could not be reached for comment.
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From The Sunday Times (UK), 30 January
SADC turns up the heat on Mugabe
Southern African Development Community (SADC) leaders are racing against time to ensure that Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe holds a free and fair parliamentary election in March. Diplomatic sources said this week that SADC leaders were engaged in behind-the-scenes manoeuvres to pressure Mugabe to allow a genuine election to take place. They said President Thabo Mbeki was working hard with SADC chairman Paul Berenger of Mauritius to ensure Zimbabwe complies with the regional bloc's election guidelines before the crucial poll. An undisputed election is regarded by many Southern African leaders as a priority in the battle to resolve Zimbabwe's long-running political and economic crisis. An SADC delegation of lawyers from South Africa, Lesotho and Namibia - which constitutes the organ that monitors elections - is due to arrive in Harare to assess whether Zimbabwe is complying with the election guidelines. All SADC leaders adopted principles governing democratic elections in the region in August. The community's protocol requires member states to hold regular, free and fair elections. Zimbabwe's elections in 2000 and 2002 were marred by accusations of electoral fraud, vote-rigging, violence and intimidation. While Zimbabwe contends it is complying with the SADC guidelines - through a purportedly independent electoral commission - the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) says the reforms are piecemeal and cosmetic. Director-General in Mbeki's office the Rev Frank Chikane this week met MDC leaders to discuss the election. The MDC also met Deputy Foreign Minister Aziz Pahad. Mbeki himself has held several meetings with Morgan Tsvangirai's MDC as well as Mugabe's ruling Zanu PF, in a bid to establish consensus on election rules.
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Comment from the Financial Mail (SA), 21 January
ANC makes slight turn of the screw
Surprisingly blunt comments by the secretary-general of SA's ruling ANC party, Kgalema Motlanthe, on the need for Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe to level the playing field ahead of the parliamentary elections in March, have given the opposition a boost. But no more than that. The opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), still to announce whether it will contest the poll, insists it will do so only if the government fully implements the Southern African Development Community (SADC) electoral guidelines. Mugabe's government says it has already done so, but MDC justice spokesman David Coltart disagrees. The March poll, he says, will be run not by an independent electoral commission as stipulated by the SADC, but by Mugabe-appointed registrar-general Tobaiwa Mudede. This, says Coltart, means Zimbabwe will hold "by far the most uneven elections in the region".
The SADC principles include freedom of association, equal opportunity for all parties to access the state media, impartial electoral institutions, voter education, an independent judiciary and the right of candidates to challenge results in the courts. Virtually none of these conditions applies in Zimbabwe . Legal challenges are allowed, but those launched by the MDC after the 2000 election have still not been resolved. The MDC is unhappy too with the delimitation of constituencies, whereby two urban seats (opposition strongholds) have been merged with rural constituencies - and this in a country with a very high rate of urbanisation. The voters roll "is a shambles" and years out of date, says National Constituency Association president Lovemore Maduku. The roll shows 5,65m people out of a total population of 11,4m will be allowed to vote - an improbably high ratio of almost 50%. But expatriate Zimbabweans will not be - though government itself claims there are as many as 3,3m living abroad. This suggests that the number of voters will be around 3m, with the 5,65m voters roll providing ample opportunity for electoral fraud.
Nor does the opposition have any faith in Mugabe's promise to crack down on violence. In the run-up to last weekend's primary elections held by Zanu PF, there were violent clashes between rival groups and there have also been claims of fraud and even the burning of votes by one candidate. The SADC troika - the presidents of SA, Botswana and Lesotho - are scheduled to visit Harare soon to ascertain whether the government has levelled the playing field as promised. Congress of SA Trade Unions (Cosatu) general secretary Zwelinzima Vavi said Cosatu welcomed the ANC statement as it "closes the gap between partners in the tripartite alliance on the question of Zimbabwe, and enhances the possibility of creating the conditions for free and fair elections there in March". Cosatu said it has written to Zimbabwe labour minister Paul Mangwana about the fact-finding mission "that we intend to resend to Zimbabwe ". However, Mangwana last Saturday told a local newspaper Cosatu would meet the same fate it did last October if it entered the country. Cosatu said it is looking at "possible actions, including a blockade of the border".
In Zimbabwe, anyone outside Zanu says the electoral climate is no fairer than in the 2000 parliamentary and 2002 presidential elections, which led to Zimbabwe's suspension from the Commonwealth and the withdrawal of foreign aid by the West. The troika may manage to feed off such crumbs as the promise to use translucent ballot boxes, the restriction of polling to a single day, and official claims that the electoral commission is independent. Opposition activists and NGOs hope the troika will build on Motlanthe's remarks, demanding that elections be delayed until mid year so observer teams and institutions are in place not just a few days before polling . There is little chance of the government agreeing , especially at a time of rampant inflation, economic decline and a struggle for power in a ruling party that has sidelined cabinet ministers, senior politicians and office-bearers. Party insiders claim the arrest of a member of parliament and senior party officials on charges of allegedly spying for SA have more to do with the war in the party than with national security. Yet, if the past is any guide there is little chance than the troika will take Mugabe on. The SADC has always backed down . It is hard to see why it should be any different this time - unless the ANC's rebuke really does mark a sea change in Pretoria's attitude towards Zanu PF.
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From Business Day (SA), 29 January
Zimbabwe spy suspects appeal for leniency
Harare - Three senior members from Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe's ruling party have urged a court to be lenient while trying them for allegedly selling "state secrets" overseas, a daily said. Ambassador-designate to Mozambique, Godfrey Dzvairo, former top bank official Tendai Matambanadzo and Tendai Marchi appeared before a Harare court yesterday and launched "mitigation submissions," the state-run Herald said. The three were convicted on their first appearance in court in December 24 when they pleaded guilty. But they did an about-turn and then pleaded not guilty, arguing that their confessions were obtained under duress - which was rejected by the magistrate. State prosecutor Morgan Nemadire said: "The accused persons are making their mitigation submissions and will be back in court on Thursday for the continual of the submssions." The scandal erupted when an alleged South African spy was nabbed by Zimbabwe Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) operatives at Victoria Falls and under questioning revealed the names of his collaborators within the governing Zanu PF. Six senior Zanu PF members including a member of parliament are accused of taking part in the spy ring that was allegedly providing South African President Thabo Mbeki's government with information on the party's affairs. Philip Chiyangwa, a provincial Zanu PF chairman and former Zimbabwe consul-general in South Africa, was arrested in December on charges of selling state secrets. Yesterday, the court remanded him in custody until February 11. The flamboyant Chiyangwa "appeared to have lost considerable weight" in detention, The Herald said. The trial started on Thursday. If convicted, the men face up to 20 years in jail and a hefty fine, or both. Zimbabwe is also holding the alleged South African intelligence agent, whom media reports describe as a white male. The sixth person allegedly connected to the affair, Zimbabwean diplomat Erasmus Moyo, reportedly escaped while being moved from Geneva to Harare.
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From News24 (SA), 29 January
Hospital fighting for life
Harare - Zimbabwe has given Z$100bn, while well-wishers chipped in another Z$230m to rescue the country's second-largest hospital, a daily said on Saturday. The emergency funds for Harare Central Hospital came in the wake of media reports this week that the country's main health facility for low- and middle-income groups was on the brink of collapse, the state-run Herald said. The Herald, in an exposé on Wednesday entitled "Harare Hospital in intensive care," said lifts at the 1 428-bed facility were not functioning. Laboratory and dialysis machines were out of order while other equipment was only partially working. Sinks and toilets were blocked and babies were being delivered in extremely unhygienic conditions. "There is nothing as bad as failing to go to another floor in time to collect oxygen for a dying patient because the elevators are down," a nurse was quoted as saying on Saturday. "And it hurts when you finally come back minutes later only to find the patient dead," she added.
The Herald on Saturday said the government had extended a Z$100-bn "lifeline" for the facility along with supplementary funds raised by a group calling themselves Friends of Harare Hospital. Hospital medical superintendent Chris Tapfumaneyi told the daily that the main priority now would be to refurbish and re-equip the maternity ward and the psychiatric unit, which had almost closed. "We are working out the logistics of procuring equipment which costs less than Z$300m, for anything above that we have to go through the State Procurement Board to float tenders on our behalf," he said. Zimbabwe's public health sector has been severely hit by a brain drain partly stemming from low salaries and poor work conditions and shortages of drugs and equipment. Harare Central Hospital was built in 1954 to serve the country's black majority during British colonial rule, which formally ended in 1980. It is now the country's second largest hospital and cheaper than the biggest, the Parirenyatwa hospital, also located in Harare.
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From IPS, 19 January
Journalists shrug off government's media straitjacket
Tafi Murinzi
Bulawayo - Media rights watchdogs have long criticised the conditions under which journalists in Zimbabwe operate. Since the start of the year, however, the circumstances of the country's media have become bleaker still. Earlier this month, President Robert Mugabe signed into law amendments to the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA). This law, passed in March 2002, requires journalists to obtain accreditation from a government-appointed Media and Information Commission (MIC) - something widely viewed as an attempt by authorities to clamp down on the activities of the independent press. In terms of the latest amendments to AIPPA, reporters who are caught working without accreditation may be imprisoned for up to two years. Newspapers and publishers are also required to register with the MIC. The tightening of media restrictions appears to have been greeted with a certain amount of sang-froid in Zimbabwe. "There has emerged a culture of acceptance of the repressive nature of the media law, and people don't make too much of a fuss about it anymore," says Takura Zhangazha of the Zimbabwean chapter of the Media Institute of Southern Africa. "Everybody wants to do their business in as quiet a way as possible and not draw attention from the MIC." Other reporters have simply decided to disregard the amendments. "For me accreditation's one thing I said I'm not going to bother about," a freelancer told IPS, noting that - if nothing else - registration is prohibitively expensive. Reporters who work for foreign media have to pay the MIC fees of about 800 United States dollars. Adds the freelancer, "One needs to look at what's going on with Jonathan (Moyo). If he goes, things might improve."
Information Minister Jonathan Moyo has become the nemesis of reporters in Zimbabwe since 2000, when the ruling Zanu PF party won parliamentary elections that were characterised by intimidation and violence, much of this directed against the opposition. Considered one of the driving forces behind efforts to gag foreign reporters and the privately-owned media in Zimbabwe - both highly critical of the Mugabe administration - the pugnacious Moyo now seems on the verge of losing his position as government's chief apologist. Along with several other members of Zanu PF, he has been excluded from running in parliamentary elections that are scheduled to be held by the end of March. This came after Moyo bypassed party procedures by holding an un-sanctioned meeting to select candidates for key posts in Zanu PF. Vincent Kahiya, editor of The Zimbabwe Independent - one of three privately-owned weeklies - is less optimistic about the consequences of Moyo's possible demise. "It's not like the departure of Moyo would see the government repealing or amending the laws," he says. "The laws will stay on the statute books as long as they are useful to the ruling order." A magistrate's court recently dropped charges against Kahiya and three staffers who had been accused of defaming the president and his government. The case arose out of a report carried by The Zimbabwe Independent early last year which alleged that Mugabe had commandeered a plane from the state airline to travel to Switzerland, where he attended an international summit.
In one of the latest spats between the MIC and Zimbabwe's media, a new weekly fell foul of the commission this month after publishing only one issue. According to the MIC, The Weekly Times misrepresented its editorial policy in order to get an operating licence. The commission claimed that while the paper had undertaken to concentrate on "developmental issues" and "general news", it ultimately showed itself to be "political commentary through and through". The Weekly Times was given a week to explain why its licence should not be suspended or revoked. Moves to restrict the activities of journalists have drawn criticism abroad. U.S. State Department spokesman Richard Boucher noted that the AIPPA amendments are inconsistent with election guidelines adopted by the Southern African Development Community (SADC) in August last year. Zimbabwe is a member of SADC. "The steps raise serious doubts about whether the government is committed to holding free and fair parliamentary elections in March," Boucher said recently during a press briefing in the American capital, Washington.
In the wake of the violence and human rights abuse that preceded the 2000 parliamentary and 2002 presidential polls, the U.S. joined the European Union in imposing sanctions on Mugabe and other key members of government. The SADC electoral code, agreed on during a summit of regional leaders in Mauritius, stipulates that all political parties should have access to state media during election campaigns, and that they should be allowed to operate in a climate free of violence and intimidation. The code also requires polls to be managed by impartial institutions. While SADC has yet to issue its verdict on the latest media restrictions to be implemented in Zimbabwe, the ruling African National Congress (ANC) in South Africa noted this week that Harare's treatment of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) was not in line with regional standards. This appeared to constitute a departure from the ANC's previous position: the party has generally refrained from criticising Zimbabwe's government, saying political upheaval in the country can best be dealt with through low-key, diplomatic interventions.
Since the start of 2000, Zimbabwe has also witnessed occupations of white-owned farms by veterans of the country's war of independence and other pro-government militants. These occupations were initially described as a bid to correct racial imbalances in land ownership that had their roots in colonialism. However, certain political observers have claimed that Zanu PF orchestrated the farm invasions to gain support ahead of parliamentary elections in 2000, when it faced its first credible challenge from an opposition party - the MDC. Political uncertainty and disturbances in the agricultural sector, combined with a costly involvement in the Congolese civil war, have sparked economic decline in Zimbabwe. Inflation hovers in the triple digits, while unemployment in the country is rife.
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From BBC News, 29 January
Zimbabwe asylum removals protest
At least 200 protesters gathered in London on Saturday to urge ministers to stop deportations of failed asylum seekers to Zimbabwe. Campaigners say the government is putting lives at risk after it reversed a suspension of deportations. One of US President George W Bush's top team has described Robert Mugabe's regime as an "outpost of tyranny". The Home Office said it resumed removals to Zimbabwe after a rise in unfounded applications. Police said between 200 and 250 people turned out for the demonstration, which lasted for around four hours. Organisers put the figure slightly higher. In November last year, immigration minister Des Browne ended a two-year suspension on removals, put in place because of the security situation in the country. Large numbers of Zimbabwean opposition activists have fled the country, saying their lives were in danger. BBC reporters are banned from entering Zimbabwe. Some 14,000 Zimbabweans have claimed asylum since 2000. The most recent figures show that only 55 of 650 cases considered were considered genuine, although a further 110 won the right to stay on appeal.
The Home Office will not confirm any figures but community sources estimate up to 100 failed asylum seekers and visa over-stayers may have already been put on planes out of the UK. Zimbabwean campaigners are fighting the returns, saying people are being sent back to an uncertain fate amid growing tension ahead of elections in March. Brighton Chireka, spokesman for the Zimbabwean campaign, said removals were contradicting the government's own statements on the situation in the country. "The Foreign Office says there is a crisis in Zimbabwe and that there has been no change (in the risks to opposition activists) so the question we ask is why has the Home Office changed its policy to send people back?" said Dr Chireka. "We believe they are removing Zimbabweans by any means possible so they can meet their removal targets, yet you cannot hand these people over to the Zimbabwean authorities."
A spokesman for the Home Office said the returns were justified because of the increased proportion of unfounded claims from the region. The suspension of removals had become a "pull factor" for fraudulent applicants posing as Zimbabweans, said the spokesman. "This change in asylum policy is entirely about operating a firm and fair asylum system. It does not reflect any change in the government's categorical opposition to human rights abuses in Zimbabwe," she said. "Genuine refugees, including members of opposition parties, will continue to be protected. "We will also continue to push the government of Zimbabwe to end human rights abuses, and restore democracy so that all Zimbabweans can in time return safely to build a prosperous and stable country." BBC News contacted the Zimbabwe High Commission in London for a comment but a spokesperson was not available.
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From The Sunday Argus, 30 January
Zimbabwe drops Tsvangirai appeal
The appeal against Zimbabwe's opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai's treason acquittal has been withdrawn in the Harare High Court. Shortly after Tsvangirai was acquitted of plotting to assassinate President Robert Mugabe last year, justice minister Patrick Chinamasa said the state would appeal. Tsvangirai's legal team were told by the High Court yesterday that the appeal had been abandoned. Tsvangirai, president of the Movement for Democratic Change, was charged with treason weeks before 2002 presidential elections. Tsvangirai remains on remand for a second set of treason charges.
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From The Star (SA), 31 January
Cosatu books its tickets back to Harare for talks
By Karima Brown
An undeterred Cosatu is heading back to Zimbabwe, though it is not clear whether it will be allowed entry this time. The trade union federation is sending an 18-member delegation for its second visit to Zimbabwe on Wednesday to hold discussions with its counterpart, the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU). Confirming a letter Cosatu had written to Zimbabwean Labour Minister Paul Mangwana, informing him about its plans, general secretary Zwelinzima Vavi said the union had yet to receive a response. Cosatu was keen to point out it had not asked permission for the visit and that the letter was merely to inform the government of its intentions. Judging by media reports coming from Zimbabwe, Robert Mugabe's government will not take kindly to Cosatu's planned meeting with the ZCTU. Mangwana was quoted recently in Zimbabwe's Financial Gazette as saying the trip would not be allowed. This seems to suggest that Harare might well take a hard line. The view coming from Harare is that Cosatu should not see Zimbabwe as another province of South Africa, and that it should stop its meddling in the affairs of its neighbour. Vavi hoped the delegation would not be refused entry, but added it would not try to force its way. It would return to South Africa if it was deported. Cosatu's last fact-finding mission, in October, was booted out. The visit puts the ANC in a difficult position, forcing it to perform a delicate balancing act. By giving its blessing to Cosatu's visit, it has mended fences within the tripartite alliance, but this could strain relations with the ruling Zanu PF, which it has been trying to persuade to talk to the opposition MDC in order to unlock Harare's political stalemate. Vavi said Cosatu would hold discussions on the political and economic crises in Zimba |
